Honorius, Stilicho, Alaric
Claudian, the circumstances of whose life are sufficiently narrated in the text. It may be convenient to have the following table of his historical poems to refer to.a
|395||Consulship of Probinus and Olybrius|
|396||Against Rufinus (Two books)|
|Third Consulship of Honorius|
|398||Fourth Consulship of Honorius|
|Poems on the Marriage of Honorius and Maria|
|On the War with Gildo|
|399||Consulship of Fl. Mallius Theodorus|
|Against Eutropius (Two books)|
First Consulship of Stilicho (Three books)
(The so‑called Poem on the Second Consulship of Stilicho is the third of these.)
|402 or 403||On the Gothic War (De Bello Getico)|
|404||On the Sixth Consulship of Honorius|
|406 (?)||Praise of Serena|
It can hardly be necessary to warn the reader that everything which Claudian advances by way of praise of Stilicho, or depreciation of his enemies, is to be received with the utmost caution. One reason for preserving the metrical form in quoting from Claudian's poems has been to keep the unhistorical character of this source prominently in view. It is impossible not to use an author who supplies us with almost all the life and colour which historical portraiture requires, but he must be used with continual distrust when the characters of his patrons or their enemies p235 are at stake. Also, a history which has to depend so largely on poetical materials, is almost of necessity incomplete, as if one should attempt to write the history of the early part of Charles II's reign from Dryden's Annus Mirabilis, or that of the Peninsular War from a series of University Prize Poems.
Zosimus (previously described) and
Orosius are the chief authorities upon the side unfavourable to the character of Stilicho.
Paulus Orosius, a native of Tarragona in Spain, and a friend of Augustine, wrote his Seven Books of 'Histories' about the year 417, while he was still a young man ('religiosus juvenis'), at the request of the Bishop of Hippo. They were to form a history of the world from the Deluge down to his own time (the last entry relates to the year 417), and the object of the book was to show that bloodshed, oppression, and misery, had ever been the staple of human history, and that 'Christian times' were unjustly blamed for the woes which the barbarians were then inflicting on the Empire. It is a necessary feature in a work undertaken with this view that it should deal rather with universal than contemporary history, and in fact only the last half of the seventh book is devoted to the events of the fourth and early part of the fifth centuries. That portion of the book which might have been of some value as a contemporary authority is thus reduced within somewhat narrow limits, and unfortunately, the deficiency in quantity is not atoned for by excellence in quality. Vague, passionate, and declamatory, Orosius represents only the narrow prejudices of an orthodox provincial of the Empire in his judgments concerning the men and the events of that mighty crisis. Neither barbarians nor unsound Christians have any chance of fair treatment at his hands, and under both categories Stilicho is odious to him. To accept Orosius's picture of the great Vandal as an accuse likeness would be to allow Louis Veuillot to sketch the portrait of Leon Gambetta. Yet even Orosius is not without his use as furnishing a corrective to the extravagant and indiscriminate flattery of Claudian.
Amédée Thierry's Trois Ministres des fils de Théodose — Rufin, Eutrope, Stilicon (Paris, 1865), has been accepted here, as well as in France, as a standard book on the history of this period. The style and arrangement are admirable, but there is a want of accuracy in the details, and a not sufficiently close adherence to the authorities. When, for instance, M. Thierry developes (p326) from one slight and vague hint in a poem of Claudian's a long story about the attempts to force Placidia at once marry Eucherius, son of Stilicho, and her obstinate struggle to preserve her freedom, he is writing not a history but a romance; and this is the more to be regretted because a novelistic incident like this, so confidently stated by a historian of eminence, is eagerly caught up by his successors and soon becomes part of the Textus Receptus of History.
E. von Wietersheim's Geschichte der Völker-Wanderung (Leipzig, 4 vols. 1859‑64), though not going into so much detail as to this special period, is a book of much more enduring value than Thierry's. The contrasted sketches of Roman and barbaric life during the first four centuries of the Christian era are drawn with great freedom and power. In the fourth volume this author traverses the same ground which is covered by Pallmann in the first volume of his book bearing the same title. Pallmann has the advantage in minute accuracy and analytical study of the authorities, but there is much greater freshness of touch and breadth of view in Von Wietersheim's work. In fact both the two books bear the impress of the previous training of the authors as stated in their prefaces. Pallmann's work breathes of the academic library, Von Wietersheim's of the official bureau. The one is a student's book, and the other a politician's.
The result of the events recorded in the last chapter but one was that in January 395, Honorius, a boy eleven years of age, began to rule over the Western half of the Roman Empire.
p237 Britain, Gaul, Spain, the south-west corner of Germany, the western half of the province of Illyricum (comprising Austria west of the Danube, and Dalmatia), Italy, and the African shore of the Mediterranean as far east as Tripoli, were all included in the dominions of the young monarch. The whole of this territory, except the northern part of the British province, was still virtually untouched by barbarian invasion. It was the Eastern half of the Empire which had suffered the dangerous aneurism of the Gothic settlement south of the Danube, and which had seen the provinces of Thrace and Macedon, so near to its cap, harried by the yearly incursions of the barbarians: it was the East which, could a prophet have arisen to announce the impending ruin of one half of the Empire, would have seemed likely to fall the first sacrifice. But the marvellous foresight of Constantine, instructed by the difficulties of his own campaign against Licinius, had led him to root his dynasty in a stronghold which, for the space of nine centuries, was to defy external assault, and that city, the offspring of Imperial Christianity, cherished with grateful devotion the powers to which it owed its being. Old Rome, on the other hand, unfavourably situated for defence, and penetrated with memories of Republican freedom and Pagan art, visited only at distant intervals by the Emperors, was sinking into a state of sullen isolation, fearing the ruin of the state, yet almost prepared to view with indifference the ruin of the Caesar.
p238 What then was the character and appearance of the lad who from his palace at Milan issued his edicts to the Western world? Hear first the courtly Claudian:—
'Thee from the fair first dawn another of thy life
A palace nurtured; in triumphal strife
A camp, bright with the flashing swords of men,
Nourished thine infancy; for even then
Thy lofty fortunes brooked no humble home,
But gave thee life with empire. Thou didst come,
Meet present from an Empress to her Lord,
And thee in purple swathed his realm adored,
Rome's victor eagles marked thy earliest day,
And in the midst of spears thy cradle lay.
When thou wast born, to Rhine's extremest floods
Germania trembled, the Caucasian woods
Shook with new terror. Meroë1 no more
— Fearing thy power divine — her quiver bore,
But from her hair the useless arrows tore.
Crawling, o'er shields though mad'st thy childish way,
And spoils of mighty princes were thy play.'
'Spain reared thy sire her golden streams beside,
But Bosporus recalls thy birth with pride.
From the Hesperian threshold rose thy line,
But bright Aurora was thy nurse divine.
For such a prize what eager strife is shown
Since, of two worlds, each claims thee for her own.
Thebes gloried in the might of Hercules
And joy of Bacchus, both her offspring these;
Delos stood still to mark Apollo's birth,
The tiny Thunderer crept o'er Cretan earth;
But more than Delos, more than Crete, must be
The land which fostered thy divinity.
No narrow shores could our new god receive,
Nor might rough Cynthian rocks thy members grieve.
p239 Thy mother lay on gold, with gems arrayed,
When upon Tyrian cushions thou wast laid.
A palace echoed to her labour's cry,
And oh! what tokens of thy fortunes high
Abounded then! what flight, what call of birds,
And from pale prophets what mysterious words!
Of thy great name the hornèd Ammon spoke,
Delphi for thee her age-long silence broke.
The Persian Magi sang of thee; thy power
Thrilled through the Etruscan Augur; in that hour
Babylon's sages gazing on the stars
Read with blank fear the triumph of thy wars.
And now once more the rocks of Cumae's cave
Rang with the shrieks the frenzied Sibyl gave.
No Corybantian priests thy birth-cry drowned
With cymbals' clash; an army stood around
In glittering steel; their standards waved above
Thine infant head, oh, more august than Jove!
Thou saw'st adoring legions round thee fall,
And thy shrill cries gave back the trumpet's call.
Empire and life were thine the selfsame day,
And in thy cradle did a consul play.2
By thy new name the new-born year was known,
It gave thee being, 'twas given thee for thine own.
Quirinus' robe thy mother made thee wear,
And helped thee, crawling, to the curule chair.'
Porphyrogenitus, 'born in the Purple Chamber,' is the key-note of the poet's panegyric. This fortunate accident of birth amid the splendours of royalty was not shared by Arcadius, who came into the world while Theodosius was still in a private station.
The childhood of the 'New Divinity' is thus sketched: —
p240 'First wast thou wont thy victor-sire to greet,
When he from Ister homeward turned his feet.
'Twas thou who first didst softly soothe the glance
Of that still war-o'ershadowed countenance.
Coaxing, thou pray'dst for trophies from the foe,
A belt Gelonian, or a Scythian bow,
A Dacian javelin, or a Suevic rein.
He on his shining shield, how oft again
Would raise thee smiling; to his panting breast
How oft thy eager little form was pressed.
Thou from the gleaming steel didst fear no harm,
But to the helmet's crest stretched forth thine arm.
And then thy sire would say with holy joy,
King of Olympus! grant that this my boy
Thus may return victorious from his foe,
From wasted Parthia, Babylon laid low.
Red be his sword like mine; like mine his breath
Come panting fast from the great game of Death.
Be war's delicious dust on every limb,
And let him bring me spoils as I to him.'
This pretty little picture, borrowed from the Iliad, in which Theodosius is equal to Hector, and Honorius is more than Astyanax (for Astyanax did fear 'the dazzling helm and nodding crest'), need not of course have had any existence in reality.
Let us now turn from poetry to fact, and see what mark the real Honorius made upon the men and things that surrounded him. None. It is impossible to imagine characters more utterly destitute of moral colour, of self-determining energy, than those of the two sons of Theodosius. In Arcadius we do at length discover traces of uxoriousness, a blemish in some rulers, but which becomes almost a merit in him when contrasted with the absolute vicinity, the ibi to love, to p241 hate, to think, to execute, almost to be, which marks the impersonal personality of Honorius. After earnestly scrutinising his life to discover some traces of human emotion under the stolid mask of his countenance, we may perhaps pronounce with some confidence on the three following points.
1. He perceive, through life, the extreme importance of keeping the sacred person of the Emperor of the West out of the reach of danger.
2. He was, at any rate in youth, a sportsman.
3. In his later years he showed considerable interest in the rearing of poultry.
We must not do him injustice. He was also religious, after the fashion of his time; and he found leisure in some of the direst emergencies of his country to put forth fresh edicts for the suppression of Heresy and Paganism.
It is natural to ask, Why this sudden decay of energy in the Theodosian line? Why in Arcadius and Honorius do we find no trace of the impetuous will of their father. If the coins of Theodosius, his wife, and sons, may be trusted to convey any likeness of the imperial lineaments,3 Flaccilla was the cause. As we so often notice in our daily life, the child that inherits the father's sex copies the mother's character; in feature as well as in mind Arcadius and Honorius are the true sons of the pious, timid, feeble Flaccilla. Instead of the fresh p242 vigorous face and well-defined nose of Theodosius, Honorius inherits the low brow, long feeble nose, and melancholy lymphatic beauty of his mother. Another reason for the extraordinary poverty, almost imbecility, of Honorius's character may be drawn from the unrestrained and increasing irascibility of Theodosius in later life, which, as we gather from a hint of Claudian's, was not always subdued in the presence of the Empress herself. The poet says (addressing Serena, niece and adopted daughter of the Emperor) —
'When harassed with the heavy cares of state,
Home he returned, moody and passionate;
When from their angry sire his children fled,
And e'en Flaccilla saw his scowl with dread,
Then thou alone could'st break his roaring rage,
Alone, with soothing speech, his wrath assuage.'
But let us pass on from Honorius to describe the character and fortunes of the real ruler of the Western world, Stilicho.
Stilicho was born probably between 350 and 360.4 He was the son of a Vandal chief who had entered the service of the Emperor Valens, p243 and had apparently commanded his squadrons of barbarian auxiliaries in a creditable manner. Had there been any worse stigma than the fact of his Vandal descent attaching to Stilicho's parentage, we should certainly have heard it from his captious critic Orosius; had he by either parent been linked to any noble Roman family, we should have had it impressed upon our recollection by his flatterer Claudian, who, however, if his father had been a great general, would certainly not have dropped the hint that 'even though he had wrought no illustrious deed, nor with faithful allegiance to Valens ever guided his chestnut[haired squadrons, it would have been enough for his fame that he was the begetter of Stilicho.'5
When the young Vandal, tall,6 and of stately presence, moved through the streets of Constantinople, the crowds on either hand deferentially made way for him. And yet he was still only a private soldier, but the instinct of the multitude foretold his future advancement. Nor was that advancement long in coming: scarcely had he attained manhood when the Emperor sent him on an embassy to the Persian court.7 Arrived at Babylon (continues the flattering bard) his proud deportment struck awe into the hearts of the stern nobles of Parthia, while the quiver-bearing multitude p244 thronged eagerly to gaze on the illustrious stranger, and the Persian ladies, smitten by his goodly appearance, nourished in secret the hopeless flame of love. Hopeless, — for a higher alliance than that of any Persian dame was in store for him on his return to Constantinople. There, in the court of her uncle Theodosius, dwelt the learned and dignified Serena. She was the daughter of his brother, the elder Honorius, and was older than any of his own children. In the old days, when they were all dwelling together in Spain, and when td was still in a private station, he took a fancy to the left maiden, and often carried her back with him from her father's house to cheer his own still childless home. When the elder Honorius died, and Theodosius found himself at the summit of the world, he remembered his old favourite, and summoned her, with her sister Thermantia, to his court. Both were adopted by him as his daughters, but Serena retained the stronger influence over him, and, as we have already seen, ventured to approach and to soothe him in those angrier moments when his vapid Empress dared not face his wrath.
Such was the bride whom the Emperor (probably about the year 385) bestowed on the young warrior. Henceforward his promotion was certain. He rose to high rank in the army, being made Magister Utriusque Militiae some years before the death of Theodosius, he distinguished himself in many campaigns against the Visigoths, and finally, when his wife Serena had brought her little cousin Honorius p245 to his dying father at Milan, Stilicho received from his sovereign, whom he had no doubt accompanied in his campaign against Arbogast, the guardianship of his son and the regency of the Western Empire.
Of the great abilities of Stilicho as a general and a civil administrator there can be no doubt. As to the integrity of his character there is a conflict of testimony. We are met at the outset by the words of Zosimus, who couples Rufinus and him in this condemnation, declaring that on the death of Theodosius everything was done in the Western and Eastern Empires according to the mere pleasure of these two men, that they took bribes without any pretence of concealment, that large possessions came to be accounted a calamity, since they marked out the owner for the calumnies and false accusations of delators intention minister's service, that through the perversion of justice all manner of wickedness increased in the cities, that ancient and substantial families were rapidly sunk into penury, while vast masses of wealth of all descriptions were being accumulated in the dwellings of Rufinus and Stilicho.
Claudian, in a fine torrent of angry verse, brings the very same idea of widespread corruption and robbery forcibly before us, but of course what Rufinus is the only guilty one. Of Stilicho's moral character he draws a flattering picture. His clemency8 is depicted in twenty-four lines, his truthfulness9 p246 in twenty. His justice,10 patience, temperance, prudence, constancy, are more rapidly sketched; but great stress is laid on his utter freedom from avarice,11 the mother of all the vices, on his firmness in suppressing the too common practice of delation (false and frivolous accusations against the rich for the sake of hush-money), and on his bestowal of the offices of the state on merit alone, irrespective of all other considerations.
With this conflict of testimony before us, and feeling that the prejudices of Zosimus may make his testimony almost as valueless as the venal verses of Claudian, our best course will be to watch the life of the great Vandal for ourselves, and draw our own conclusion at its close.
One thing is certain, that the animosity existing between Stilicho and the successive ministers of the Eastern Emperor (an animosity which does not necessarily imply any fault on the part of the former) was one most potent cause of the downfall of the West Empire. In part this was due to the peculiar position of military affairs at the time of the death of Theodosius. The army of the East, the backbone of which was the Gothic auxiliaries, had just conquered, at the river Frigidus, the army of the West, which similarly depended upon the Frankish and West German soldiery. The two hosts coalesced in devotion to Theodosius; they were perhaps ready to follow the standards of a rising general like Stilicho, but they were in no great p247 haste to march off to wearisome sentinel duty on the frontiers of Persia or Scythia, nor was Stilicho anxious so to scatter them. Hence heart-burnings between him and the Eastern court, and complaints, perhaps well-founded, made by the latter, that he kept all the most able-bodied and warlike soldiers for himself and sent the cripples and good-for‑nothing fellows to Constantinople. Whatever the original grievance, for a period of thirteen years (from 395‑408) hearty co-operation between the courts of Rome and Constantinople was unknown, and intrigues which it is impossible now to unravel were being woven by the ministers of Arcadius against Honorius, perhaps by Stilicho against them. The Roman Empire was a house divided against itself, and it is therefore no marvel if it was brought to naught.
Alaric (the all-ruler) surnamed Baltha (the bold), was the Visigothic chieftain whose genius taught him the means of turning this estrangement between the two Empires to the best account. He was probably born about 360. His birth-place was the island Peuce, in the Delta of the Danube, apparently south of what is now termed the Sulina mouth of that river. We have already met with him crossing the Alps as a leader of auxiliaries in the army of Theodosius, when that Emperor marched to encounter Eugenius and Arbogast. with the accession of the two young Princes the spell of the Theodosian name over the barbarian mind was broken. The p248 ill-timed parsimony of Rufinus, perhaps of Stilicho also, curtailed the largesses hitherto given to the Gothic troops,12 and thus yet further estranged them from the Empire. Then individual grievances were not wanting to their general. He was still only a leader of barbarian auxiliaries, bound to difficult and little-honoured labour on the wings of the imperial armies,13 though Theodosius had led him to believe that if the campaign against Eugenius prospered he would be promoted to high military office in the regular army, and thus earn the right to command Roman legionaries in the centre of the line of battle. And already perhaps in the very outset of his career he felt that mysterious, irresistible impulse, urging him onwards to Rome,14 which fourteen years after he spoke of to the Italian monk who had almost succeeded by his intercessions in inducing him to turn back from the yet uncaptured city.
But however varied the causes might be, the effect is clear. From the day that Ala-Reiks was accepted as leader of the Gothic people their policy changed, or rather they began to have a policy, which they had never had before. No longer now satisfied to serve as the mere auxiliary of Rome, Alaric adopted the maxim which he himself had probably heard from the lips of Priulf just before his murder by Fravitta, that the Goths had fought Rome's battles long enough, and that the time was p249 now come for them to fight their own. No longer contented with harrying the ten times harried fields of Moesia and Thrace, he preferred to station himself in Illyricum, near the point probably where the rivers Drave and Save fall into the Danube.
A glance at the map will show how admirably the Gothic nation was now placed for making the utmost of the estrangement between the two Empires. Between those Julian Alps through whose passes he had followed Theodosius to victory, Alaric could descend upon Italy, or by the southern bank of the Danube he could march down to the old moesian battlefields and threaten Constantinople. Hovering thus on the frontiers both of Honorius and Arcadius, he, in the words of Claudian,
'Sold his alternate oaths to either throne.'15
But that is, of course, the hostile version of his conduct. He doubtless fought craft with craft, but no well-establish charge of perfidy is brought against him. And le the not the vague and disparaging term 'barbarian' mislead us as to the degree of culture and refinement of character which were to be found in such a man as the Visigothic hero. We have not now before us a mere Tartar ruffian like Attila, Zengis, or Timour, still less a savage, however stately, like a chief p250 of the Iroquois or Algonquins. Probably one of our own Plantagenet princes, Edward I or the Black Prince, would furnish us with a more apt resemblance.
Knowing the Roman court and army well, and despising them as heartily, educated in the Christian faith, proud of the willing allegiance of a nation of warriors, fated to destroy, yet not loving the work of mere destruction, Alaric, and the kings of the Visigoths who followed him, are in fact knights errant who rear the standard of chivalry — with its errors as well as its noble thoughts — in the level waste of the Orientalised despotism and effete civilisation of the Roman Empire.
Such then was the chief whom the Visigothic warriors, in accordance with the usages of their forefathers, raised upon the buckler and held aloft in the sight of all men as their newly-chosen king. The actual date of his election is uncertain. It may have been (as Clinton, following Isidore, determines) in the year 382, while Alaric was still in the pay of Theodosius, or, as Aschbach more probably suggests, in 395, immediately after the death of that monarch, and consequent upon the change of policy adopted by the ministers of his sons; or it may have been, as Gibbon conjectures (not apparently on very good grounds), postponed as late as 400.
But the purpose of this election is not clouded by any doubt. As Jornandes says, 'the new king, taking counsel with his people, decided to carve p251 out for themselves new kingdoms rather than, through sloth, to continue the subjects of others.'
And little as they knew what they were doing, the flaxen-haired barbarians who in the Illyrian plains raised amid shouts of Thiudans, Thiudans ('the king! the king!') the shield upon which Alaric stood erect, were in fact upheaving into reality the stately monarchy of Spain, with her Pelayos and San Fernandos, her Alonsos and Conquistadors, her Ferdinand and Isabella, with Columbus landing at Guanahani, and Vasco Nunez wading knee-deep into the new-found ocean of the Pacific to take possession of its waves and shores for Spain. All these sights, and, alas, also her Inquisition, her Autos‑da‑fe, her wrecked Armada, the impotence and bankruptcy of Iberia in these latter days, might have passed before the unsealed eyes of a seer, had there been such an one among those Gothic warriors, for all these things were to spring from that day's decision.
Alaric struck first at the East. In one, or more probably two, expeditions (395 and 396) he pushed south from the old outworn battlefield of Moesia, penetrated Thessaly, passed the unguarded define of Thermopylae, and, according to the heathen-enthusiast Zosimus, 'having gathered all his troops round the sacred city of Athens, he was about to proceed to the assure. When lo! he beheld Athene Promachus, just as she is represented in her statues, clothed in full armour going round about the walls thereof, and Achilles standing upon the battlements, p252 with that aspect of divine rage and thirst for battle which Homer ascribes to him when he heard of the death of Patroclus. Awe-struck at the sight Alaric desisted from his warlike enterprise, signalled for truce, and concluded a treaty with the Athenians. After which he entered the city in peaceful guise with a few of his followers, was hospitably entertained by the chief inhabitants, received presents from them, and departed, leaving both Athens and Attica untouched by the ravages of war.'
He did not turn homewards, however, but penetrated into Peloponnesus, where Corinth, Argos, and Sparta all fell before him.
The precise details of these campaigns are difficult to recover, and happily lie beyond our horizon. What is important for us is their bearing on the relations between the two ministers Stilicho and Rufinus. The latter is accused, and with too great a concurrence of testimony to allow us to reject it as a mere fabrication of his enemies, of having actually invited Alaric to invade his master's dominions, or, at any rate, of having smoothed Alaric's passage into Greece in order to remove him from his too menacing neighbourhood to Constantinople. He was jealous of the overshadowing power of Stilicho, he was too conscious of his own intense unpopularity with all classes; even the dumb loyalty of his master was beginning to fail him. A scheme which he had planned for marrying Arcadius to his daughter had failed, and on the night of the wedding the chamberlain Eutropius had brought p253 with song and dance a fair young Frankish maiden to the Imperial palace instead of the daughter of Rufinus. The beautiful barbarian, who assumed the name of Eudoxia, was now putting forth all her arts to mould the plastic soul of her husband into hostility to his chief minister. Surrounded16 by so many dangers Rufinus seems to have conceived the desperate idea of playing off one barbarian against another, of saving himself from the Vandal Stilicho by means of Alaric the Goth. To the gift and indignation of the Byzantines he even affected a certain barbaresque fashion in his own costume, changed the flowing toga, which became the Roman magistrate, for the tight leathern garments of the Teutons, and carried the large bow and displayed the heavy, perhaps silver-mounted, bridles which distinguished the auxiliaries from the legions.
Stilicho, who still commanded the greater part of the united force of both Empires, had come up with the Goth, and was on the point of giving battle, when letters arrived from Constantinople, subscribed by the hand of Arcadius, command him to desist from further prosecution of the war, to withdraw the legions of Honorius within the limits of the Western Empire, and to send the other p254 half of the army straight to Constantinople. The infatuated decree, which can only be explained by the supposition that Arcadius had really been persuaded of the disloyalty of Stilicho, and feared the rebel more than the barbarian, had been wrung from the Emperor by the cajolery and menaces of Rufinus.
Stilicho obeyed at once, notwithstanding the earnest discussions of the soldiers, with a promptness which must surely be allowed to count heavily in proof of his loyalty to the Theodosian line, and his reluctance to weaken the commonwealth by civil war. The army of the whole Roman Empire had appeared for the last time in one common camp,17 the Western portion set off for Italy, the Eastern for Constantinople. With deep resentment in their hearts the latter passed through Thessaly and Macedon, revolving silently a scheme of revenge which, if it passed from the domain of thought into that of uttered words, was faithfully kept from all outside, an army's secret.18
On their return to Constantinople, Rufinus, who deemed himself now secure from Stilicho's hatred, and who had extorted a promise from Arcadius that he should be associated with him in the sovereignty, caused coins to be struck with his forgery, and prepared a liberal donative for the troops in commemoration of his accession to the p255 Empire. In a plain near the capital the greedy minister and the helpless sovereign proceeded to review the troops. Rufinus, who already practised the condescending suppleness of an imperial bow, addressed individual soldier by name, informed them of the health of their wives and families, and appropriated to himself the cheers which were meant for the son of Theodosius. While this was going on, and while, on the high platform on which he and Arcadius stood, he could be seen plucking the Emperor by the mantle, beseeching, almost commanding him, to fulfil his promise, and at once declare him co-emperor, the army in the meantime was spreading out both its wings, not to protect but to destroy, and enclosed the imperial platform in a narrower and ever narrower circle. At length Rufinus raised his head, and saw everywhere around him the lowering faces of his foes. One moment of wakening he had from his fond dream of Empire, and then a soldier stepped forth from the ranks, and with the words, 'With this sword Stilicho strikes thee,' plunged the weapon into his heart.
Then as many as were able to do so clustered around the corpse, hacked it to pieces, carried off the limbs in triumph, sowed them over the fields as the Maenads sowed the fragments of the flesh of Pentheus, but fixed the head on a spear, where they made it practise its newly learned lesson of condescending salutation, and carried round through the city the dead hand and arm, with grim ingenuity making the fingers unclose and close again upon p256 imaginary wealth, and crying out, 'Give, give to the insatiate one.'
There is no doubt that the minister had made himself thoroughly hateful to beneath the people and the army, but we need not accept to literally the statement (taken from Claudian) that the murder was entirely planned by the soldiery. The general under whose command they marched back to Constantinople was Gainas the Goth, a friend of Stilicho's. Zosimus states that Gainas gave the signal for the murder, and had arranged the whole pageant of the review for this express object, a statement which we can easily believe when we find that for the next five or six years the chief power over the feeble soul of Arcadius was divided between three persons, his fair Frankish Empress Eudoxia, Eutropius, the haggard old eunuch who had placed her on the throne, and Gainas the Goth, commander of the Eastern army.
again, in the year 396, did Stilicho, now commanding only the Western forces, volunteer to deliver Greece from the Visigoths. The outset of the campaign was successful. The greater part of Peloponnesus was cleared of the invader, who was shut up in the rugged mountain country on the confines of Elis and Arcadia. The Roman army was expecting soon to behold him forced by famine to an ignominious surrender, when they discovered that he had pierced the lines of circumvallation at an unguarded point, and marched with all his plunder northwards to Epirus. He was the cause of p257 this unlooked-for issue of the struggle? 'The disgraceful carelessness of Stilicho' says Zosimus. 'He was wasting his time with harlots be buffoons when he should have been keeping close watch on the enemy.' 'Treason,' hints Orosius. 'Orders from Constantinople, where a treaty had been concluded with Alaric,' half suggests Claudian, but he does not tell the story as if he himself believed it. The most probable explanation of this and of some similar passages in Stilicho's subsequent career is that Fabian caution co-operated with the instinct of the Condottiere against pushing his foe too hard. There was always danger for Rome in driving Alaric to desperation: there was danger privately for Stilicho if the dead Alaric should render him no longer indispensable.
whatever might be the cause, by the end of 396 Alaric was back again in his Illyrian eyrie, and thenceforward whatever threats might be directed toward the East the actual weight of his arms was felt only by the West. Partly, at least, this is to be accounted for by the almost sublime cowardice of the ministers of Arcadius, who rewarded his Grecian raids by clothing him with the sacred character of an officer of the Empire in their portion of Illyricum. The precise title under which he exercised jurisdiction is not stated,19 but the scope p258 of his powers and his manner of wielding them are thus described by Claudian —
And again,22 where Alaric is supposed to be himself rehearsing the matter to his followers —
'Our race, of old, by its own strength prevailed,
When still it fought unweaponed and unmailed;
But now, since Rome gave rights into my hand,
And owned me Duke23 of the Illyrian land,
How many a spear and sword and helmet fair
Did not I make the Thracian's toil prepare,
And, bidding Law my lawless purpose crown,
Took iron tribute from each Roman town.
So Fate was with me. So the Emperor gave
The very race I plundered as my Slave.
The hapless citizens, with many a groan,
Furnished the arms for havock all their own:
And in the flame, o'erwatched by tears and toil,
The steel grew red, its craftsman's home to spoil.'
From what has been before said, it will be understood that these last expressions of the poet must not be interpreted literally. It was not the inhabitants p259 of Illyricum itself against whom the collected arms of Alaric were to be used. But, taking the Roman Empire as a whole, the statement is true enough that during an interval of quiescence, which, which lasted apparently about four years, the Visigothic king was using the forms of Roman law, the machinery ornament taxation, the almost unbounded authority of a Roman provincial governor, to prepare the weapon which was one day to pierce the heart of Rome herself.
The Imperial City, during the first portion of this interval, was suffering the pangs of famine. for centuries, as the rural element in the population of Italy grew weak and the urban element grew strong, the dependence of Rome for her food-supply upon foreign lands, and especially on the great grain-producing countries which lined the southern shore of the Mediterranean, had become more absolute and complete. In fact, the condition of Rome, from the point of view of a political economist, was during the whole period of the Emperors as unsatisfactory as can well be imagined. She had long passed (nor is that surprising) out of the self-sufficing stage, in which she produced within her own territory all the necessaries of life for her citizens. But then, having devoted herself so exclusively to the arts of war and the science of politics, she was not producing any mercantile equivalent for the food which she needed. Her sole manufacture, we may almost say, was the Roman legionary, her chief exports armies and praetors; p260 and in return for these, through the taxation which they levied, she imported not only the ten thousand vanities and luxuries which were consumed by her wealthy nobles, but also the vast stores of grain which were distributed by the Caesar, as Terrestrial Providence, among the ever-increasing, ever hungrier swarms of needy idlers who represented the Plebs Romana.
Since the foundation of Constantinople, the area of supply had diminished by one-half; Egypt had ceased to nourish the elder Rome. No longer now, as in the days of a certain Jewish prisoner who appealed to Nero, would a Roman centurion easily find in Lycia 'a ship of Alexandria' with a cargo of wheat 'about to sail for Italy' Ships from that port now preferred the nearer and safer voyage through the land-locked Archipelago, and discharged their cargoes at Constantinople.
Rome was thus reduced to an almost exclusive dependence on the harvests of Africa proper (that province of which Carthage was the capital), of Numidia, and of Mauretania, whose cornº-growing capacities must not be measured by the scanty dimensions to which they have now dwindled under centuries of Mohammedan misrule. But this supply, ever since the death of Theodosius, had been in a precarious condition; and in the year 397 was entirely stopped by the orders of Gildo, who had made himself virtual master of these three provinces.
It has been before stated that the war which the elder Theodosius brought to a successful issue in p261 Africa in the year 374 was waged with a certain Mauretanian rebel named Firmus. The son of a great sheep-farmer, Nabal,24 he had left behind him several brothers, one of whom, Gildo, had in the year 386 gathered up again some portion of his brother's broken power.25 We find him, seven years later (in 393), holding the rank of Count of Africa in the Roman official hierarchy. Probably the troubles in the house of Valentinian had enabled him, though a doubtful friend to the Empire, to force himself into this position. While the great duel between Theodosius and Arbogast was proceeding, he held aloof from the contest, rendering indeed a nominal allegiance to the former, but refusing to send the men or the ships which he called for. Had not the death of Theodosius followed so promptly upon his victory, men said26 that he would have avenged this insincere adhesion, worse than open enmity, upon the Count of Africa in a way which would have recalled the early days of Roman history, when Tullus Hostilius tied the dictator of Alba, Mettius Fuffetius, to chariots driven in opposite directions, and so tore asunder the body of him whose mind had wavered between loyalty and treason.
But the great Emperor having died in his prime, p262 Gildo's day of punishment was deferred. Nay, more, he turned to his own account the perennial jealousy existing between the ministers of the Eastern and Western Courts, renounced his allegiance to Rome, and preferred to transfer it to Constantinople. What brought matters to a crisis was his refusal to allow the grain crops of 397 to be conveyed to Rome. Our often-quoted poet represents the Mistress of the World calling, in the agony of hunger, upon Jove, 'not now with her wonted look of pride; not with that commanding mien with which she dictates her laws to Britain or lays her fasces upon trembling India. No, but with weak voice and tardy steps and eyes dimmed of their lustre, with hollow cheeks and thin hunger-wasted arms that scarce could upbear the shield; her unloosed helmet showed her whitened hair, and she trailed her rusted spear feebly behind her.' Then, in the bitterness of her soul, she addressed the Thunderer, telling him that her conquest of Carthage had been in vain if Gildo, a meaner and more odious Hannibal, was to lord it over Africa. 'Even the magnitude of my Empire oppresses me. Oh! for the happy days when Veii and the Sabines were my only foes. Oh! That I could return to the old limits and the walls of good King Ancus. Then the harvests of Etruria and Campania, the acres which the Curii and Cincinnatus ploughed and sowed would be sufficient for my need.' The return to these narrow limits, which he introduces as a mere flower of poetry, was nearer than the poet thought.
p263 The Roman Senate declared war in the early winter months of 398 against Gildo. Stilicho, who, of course, undertook the fitting out of the expedition, found a suitable instrument for Rome's chastisement in one who had had cruel wrongs of his own to avenge upon Gildo. This was yet another son of Nabal, Mascezel, who, not favouring his brother's ambitious schemes, had withdrawn to Italy. To punish this defection Gildo had caused his two sons to be slain, and their bodies to be left unburied. Now at the head of a Roman armament consisting of six legions,27 or nearly 40,000 men, Mascezel set forth.
Claudian brings vividly before us the embarkation from the harbour of Pisa, which the shouts of the soldiers and the bustle of the armament filled, even as Agamemnon's warriors made Aulis echo when they were assembling for the war against Troy. Then we see the fleet set forth: they leave the Riviera on their right, they give a wide berth to Corsica, they reach Sardinia, and land at Cagliari, where they wait for favouring zephyrs.
Here, unfortunately, our mythological poet breaks off, and we are handed over to the very different guidance of the devout but foolish Orosius. He describes how Mascezel, having learned from Theodosius the efficacy of prayer, made sail for the island of Capraria,28 and there took on board certain holy p264 servants of God (monks) with whom he spent the following days in prayers, fastings, and the recitation of psalms, and thus earned a victory without war, and revenge without the guilt of murder.
For when they reached a river which seems to have been the frontier between Numidia and the province of Carthage, and when he found that on the opposite side the enemy, 60,000 strong, were drawn up prepared to join battle with his inferior numbers, in the night that holy man, Ambrose of Milan, then lately deceased, appeared to him in a vision, and striking the ground thrice with his staff said, 'Here, here, here.' The prophecy was clear, that place was to be the scene of the victory, which they were to achieve on the third day. After waiting the appointed time, and passing the third night in prayers, the singing of hymns, and the celebration of the Sacrament, they moved onward and met their foes with pious words. A standard-bearer of the enemy pressed insolently forward. He was wounded in the arm, the standard fell, the distant cohorts thought that Gildo had given the signal for surrender, and came in by troops to give themselves up to Mascezel. The Count of Africa fled, escaped on ship-board, was pursued, brought back to land, put to death (some say29 he committed suicide); but all this was done by others, so that the hands not conscience of Mascezel were clear from his brother's blood, and yet he had the revenge for which he longed. The p265 scene of Gildo's death was Tabraca, a little town still existing under the name Tabarca, on the frontiers of Tunis and Algiers.
And thus the provinces of Africa were for the time won back again for the Empire of the west, and Rome had her corn again.30
The fate of Mascezel, the re-vindicator of Africa, is an enigma. The version given by Zosimus is that generally accepted. He says,31 that he returned in triumph to Italy, that Stilicho, who was secretly envious of his reputation, professed an earnest desire to advance his interests; but that when the Vandal was going forth to a suburb (probably of Milan), as he was crossing over a certain bridge, with Mascezel and others in his train, at a given signal the guards crowded round the African and hustled him off into the river below. 'Thereat Stilicho laughed, but the stream hurrying the man away, caused him to perish for lack of breath.'
Orosius, however, makes no mention of all this. In his narrative, which is written with a bias towards religious edification, Mascezel, in the hour of his triumph, is described as neglecting the society of the holy men whom he had taken on board at Caprera, and even daring to violate the sanctity of p266 the churches by laying hands on some of the rebels who had taken refuge there. 'The penalty for this sacrilege followed in due course, for after some time he himself was punished under the very eyes and amid the exulting cries of those whom he had thus sought to slay. Thus when he hoped in God he was assisted, and when he despised Him he was put to death.'
This does not seem to describe the same scene as the tumultuary assassination of which Zosimus speaks. As Orosius hates Stilicho, and omits no opportunity of insinuating calumnies against him, his silence appears to outweigh the hostile testimony of Zosimus, who generally leans to the side of detraction. Possibly the Roman ministers who had seen Firmus rise again in Gildo may have feared that Gildo would rise again in Mascezel, and may have determined by fair means or foul to crush the viper's brood of the house of Nabal; but such a crime, committed for reasons of state, however foul a thing in itself, is different from the assassination prompted by mere personal envy, which has been on insufficient grounds attributed to the Vandal hero.
The glory and power of Stilicho were now nearly at their highest point. Shortly before the expedition against Gildo he had given his daughter Maria in marriage to Honorius, and the father-in‑law of the Emperor might rightly be deemed to hold power with a securer grasp than his mere chief minister. In the poem on the nuptials of Honorius p267 and Maria, a poem in which the mythological element — Cupid, Venus, the nereids, and the like — is more than usually prominent, Claudian seems perplexed to know which he is to praise the most — the Emperor, the bride, or the bride's father. He settles at length, however, on Stilicho, even daring to say —
'More of our duty e'en our prince hath won
Since thou, unconquered captain, call'st him son.'32
And to this quarter of the compass, during the remaining six years over which his poems extend, the needle of his muse's devotion pointed faithfully. He tells us, and one is disposed to believe that the flattery is not wholly baseless, that when Stilicho trod the streets of Rome there was no need of any herald to announce his advent.33 Even when surrounded by the throng of citizens his lofty stature, his demeanour, stately yet modest, his voice, accustomed to command, yet free from the loud arrogance of the mere military swash-buckler; above all, his capacious forehead and his hair, touched with an early whiteness by the cares of state, and suggesting the gravity of age combined with the vigour of youth, all proclaimed his presence to the people; all forced the by-stander to exclaim, 'Hic est, hic Stilichon.' ('This, this can be none else than Stilicho.')
p268 In this poem, Claudian indulges in anticipations of the birth of a little 'Honoriades,' who should climb the knees of his grandfather,34 an anticipation, however, which was not realised. There was no issue of the marriage, and though there can be no doubt that the birth of an imperial grandson would have, more than anything else, consolidated the power of Stilicho, even this failure of issue was, at a later day, attributed to the magical arts of Serena and included in the indictment against her too prosperous family.
The years 399 and 400 were memorable ones in the Consular Fasti. For the first of these years, Eutropius, the chamberlain and ruling favourite at the Court of Constantinople, was nominated Consul on behalf of the East, while Mallius Theodorus, a Roman of respectable rank and character, was the colleague given him by the West. For though the Consul's titular dignity was connected properly with Old Rome alone, this divided nomination between the two portions of the Empire seems to have been usual, if not universal.
Slaves and freedmen, even of the degraded class of eunuchs to which Eutropius belonged, had before now, under weak Emperors, and especially under Constantius, exercised great power in the state, but it had been always by keeping themselves in the background and working upon the suspicions or vanity of their lord. But that a slave who had p269 sunk lower and lower in the menial ranks as he passed from one master to another till he at length received his freedom as the contumelious prize of his age and ugliness, that an old and wrinkled eunuch, who had combed the hair of his mistress and fanned her with peacocks' feathers, should sit in the chair of Brutus, be preceded by the lictors with the fasces, and affect to command the armies of Rome, was too much for the still remaining pride of the Senatus Populus Que Romanus. The populace of Constantinople only laughed at the effeminate voice and faded prettinesses of the Eunuch-Consul, but the Western Capital refused to define her annals with his name, and wrote down Mallius Theodorus as sole Consul. By a not unnatural blunder, in after years the blank space was filled up by the decision of the Western magistrate's name, and the year 399 (A.U.C. 1152) was assigned to 'Mallius et Theodorus, Consules.'
This year which witnessed the elevation of Eutropius to the Consulship saw also his downfall and execution. His arrogance and presumption offended the high-spirited Eudoxia whom he reminded once too often of her obligations to him. Gainas, the Goth, likewise turned against him, and thus two of the members of the coalition which had destroyed Rufinus were united against the third. But though one of the most cunning and persistent of the enemies of Stilicho was removed when the eunuch fell, hostility to the great Vandal p270 was still the prevailing tone in the counsels of Constantinople.
In the following year (400) Stilicho himself was raised to the Consulship. The promotion seems to have come somewhat tardily to one whose power and whose services were so transcendent, but there was perhaps a reluctance to confer this peculiarly Roman office on one so recently sprung from a barbarian stock.35 Claudian's muse was roused by this exaltation of his patron to some of her finest efforts. In the trilogy of poems celebrating the first Consulship of Stilicho,36 the enthusiastic bard furnishes us with many of those details as to the youth and early manhood of the General, which have been already quoted: he describes how he had by the mere terror of his name brought Germany into such a state of subjection and civilisation, that the perplexed traveler sailing down the Rhine was fain to ask himself which was indeed the German, which the Roman shore; he celebrates the civic virtues of his hero, and he closes with a rapturous description of the sports in the amphitheatre which were to celebrate the joyful event, and for which Diana and all her nymphs with gal willingness purveyed the needful animals.
From amidst the prophecies of future glory and p271 victory, which are, as it were, a common form in such compositions, one may be selected which concludes the second poem. The personifications are doubtless less vivid than those of the great Epic Poets, and some of the images are perhaps blurred in the original, and must be yet more so in a translation. Still, as one of the latest mythological pictures in Roman art, and as a forecast of the future of the Empire, delivered at the very commencement of the fifth century (according to our reckoning), the passage may be found not devoid of either —
'Far off, in some wild spot, unknown of men,
Scarce to be traced even by the Immortals' ken,
Yawns the vast Cave, dark mother of the years,
Forth from whose depths each new-born time appears,
Whither it hastes, when ended. All the place
Is girdled by a serpent's coiled embrace:
For ever fresh each green and glittering scale,
And the jaws close upon the back-bent tail,
End and beginning one. Before the Gates
Primeval Nature, stately guardian, waits,
And all around her, as in act to fly,
Hang the swift souls, soon to be born or die.
Meanwhile a man, of venerable age,
Writes Fate's firm verdicts on his opened page.
He tells the stars, he knows their devious way,
The secret cause of every orb's delay,
And the fixed laws which death and life obey.
He knows what prompt the mazy course of Mars,
The Thunderer's steadfast course among the stars,
The Moon's swift orbit, Saturn's sluggish pace,
Why Venus, Mercury, haunt Sol's resting-place.
Soon as that threshold feels the Sun-god's feet,
The mighty Mother runs his steps to greet,
p272 That ancient mage, before the sunbeam's glare,
Bends all the snow-white honours of his hair,
And then, self-moved, the adamantine doors
Turn backwards; gleam upon the spacious floors
The conquering rays; Time's mysteries old and new,
In Time's own realm, lie open to the view.
Here, each apportioned to its separate cell,
By various metals marked, the ages dwell.
Here are the brazen years, a crowded line,
Here the stern iron, there the silvern shine.
Oh! safely guarded, rare for earth to hold,
Lie the great boons, the ruddy years of gold.
Of these the Titan chooses the most fair,
The noble form of Stilicho to wear,
Bids all the rest to follow, and as they fly
Salutes them thus, and tells their destiny.
'Lo! he, for whom the better age so long
Has tarried, comes, a Consul. Oh ye throng
Of years that men have yearned for, haste amain
And all the Virtues carry in your train.
Once more from you let mighty minds be born,
The joy of Bacchus, Ceres' wealth of corn.
Let not the starry Serpent, by the Pole,
Hiss forth the icy breath that chills the soul:
Nor with immoderate cold let Ursa rage,
With heat the Lion; Cancer's heritage
Let not the fury of the summer burn,
Nor let Aquarius, of the lavish urn,
Wash out the seeds from earth with lashing showers.
Let Phrixus' Ram lead in the spring with flowers,
But not the Scorpion's hail the olives bruise,
Nor Virgin! thou the autumnal germs refuse
Kindly to foster. Dog-star! let the vine
Grape-crowned, not hear too loud that bark of thine.'
He said and sought the saffron-flaming fields
And his own vale, which circles and enshields
A fiery stream. There in a deep-grown glade,
Where feed his deathless steeds, his steps he stayed,
p273 Bound with the fragrant flowers he amber hair,
The manes and bridles of his coursers fair —
Here served him Lucifer, Aurora there —
And with them smiling, stood the Year of Gold,
Proud on his brow the Consul's name to hold.
Then on its hinge the gate is backward rolled,
And the stars write the Stilichonian name
On Rome's eternal calendars of fame.'
2 There is a slight poetical licence here. Strictly, Honorius's consulship did not begin till he was fifteen months old, in 386.
3 Portraiture on the coins of the Western Empire ceased undoubtedly during the fifth century, but the face of Honorius seems to be not merely conventional.
4 Claudian (in his poem on the First Consulship of Stilicho) speaks of him as still a young man when married to Serena (apparently about 385). He could not therefore be born earlier than 350. On the other hand, in the De Bello Getico, 459‑460, Claudian speaks of his 'well-known white hair' —
'Emicuit Stilichonis apex et cognita fulsit
He certainly therefore could not have been born later than 360, since this poem relates to the events of 402 or 403.
5 In Prim. Cons. Stilich. I.36‑39.
6 Ib. 51‑70.
7 This embassy was probably in connection with the treaty between the two monarchies solemnly concluded at Constantinople in 384.
8 In Cons. Stilichonis, II.6‑29.
9 In Cons. Stilichonis, II.30‑49.
10 Ib. 100‑110.
11 Ib. 110‑124.
12 Jornandes, De Rebus Geticis, cap. 29.
13 Zosimus, V.5.
14 Sozomen, IX.6.
Ludit, et alternae perjuria venditat aulae.'
De Bello Getico, 566‑7.
16 This is the conventional view of the policy of Rufinus, founded on the statements of Claudian, Zosimus, and some of the chroniclers. Von Wietersheim, agreeing with Pallmann, pleads for a more indulgent estimate of his proceedings, in consideration of the difficulty into which the government at Constantinople was brought by the union of the Eastern and Western armies under Stilicho.
17 Possibly an exception should be made for the joint campaign of East and West against Carthage in 468.
18 'Et fuit arcanum populo.' Claudian, In Ruf. II.290.
19 Gibbon's 'Master-General of Illyricum' is, I think, only a conjecture, though a very probable one. The second extract from Claudian quoted on the next page looks as if the title were Duke, perhaps 'Dux Daciae Ripensis et Moesiae Primae.'
20 'Praesidet Illyrico.'
21 In Eutropium, II.214‑218.
22 De Bello Getico, 533‑543.
'At nunc Illyrici postquam mihi tradita jura
Meque suum fecere ducem, tot tela, tot enses,
Tot galeas multo Thracum sudore paravi;
Inque meos usus vectigal vertere ferri
Oppida legitimo jussu Romana coegi.' &c.
24 Will Punic influence justify us in coupling this Semitic-sounding name with the churlish Nabal of the Bible?
25 In the year 398 Africa complains, according to Claudian (De Bello Gildonico, 153), that she has been for twelve years subject to the tyranny of Gildo.
26 Claudian, De Bello Gildonico, 254‑5.
27 The Jovian, Herculean, Nervian, Felix, Augustan, and 'the Leones' (Claudian, De Bello Gildonico, 415‑424).
28 Garibaldi's Caprera.
29 Zosimus, V.11.
30 The patrimony of Gildo, perhaps representing that of the whole house of Nabal, was confiscated to the use of the state, that is of the Emperor, and was so extensive that in the Notitia Occidentis, cap. XI, the 'Count of the Patrimony of Gildo' is placed in the first class of officials subject to the Administrator of the Imperial Domains ('Comes Rerum Privatarum').
'Plus jam, plus domino cuncti debere fatemur
Quod gener est, invicte, tuus.'
De Nupt. Honor. et Mariae, 335‑6.
33 De Nupt. Honor. et Mariae, 318‑25.
34 De Nupt. Honor. et Mariae, 340‑1.
35 Yet that this cannot have been the only reason is sufficiently shown by the examples of Bauto, Merobaudes, and Dagalaiphus.
36 The so‑called poem on the Second Consulship evidently bears an erroneous title, and really belongs to the First.
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