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Discourse 46

This webpage reproduces one of the
Discourses

by
Dio Chrysostom

published in the Loeb Classical Library, 1946

The text is in the public domain.

This page has been carefully proofread
and I believe it to be free of errors.
If you find a mistake though, please let me know!


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Discourse 48

(Vol. IV) Dio Chrysostom
Discourses

p243 The Forty-seventh Discourse:
A Speech in the Public Assembly at Prusa

The theme of this Discourse is Dio's pet project of embellishing his native city. He seems to have conceived the idea soon after his return from exile (A.D. 96). We learn both from the present address and from Or. 40.11 that the people of Smyrna, Ephesus, Tarsus, and Antioch, not to mention lesser communities in that quarter of the Roman world, were taking energetic measures to beautify their respective cities, and Dio was concerned that Prusa should not lag behind. The full magnitude of his ambitious scheme is suggested by Or. 45.12‑14, where he says he had dreamed of constructing not merely colonnades and fountains but also fortifications, harbours, and shipyards and of increasing the population of Prusa by attracting immigration from all directions and even by incorporating with Prusa while communities, "as Epaminondas once brought Boeotia into union with Thebes and as Theseus had brought Attica into union with Athens."

The opening paragraphs of Or. 40 form a valuable supplement to our present Discourse, which it seems to have preceded by not more than a few months. By combining both sources of information we gather that thus far Dio's operations have been confined to the construction of one or more colonnades; that the project had been sponsored by one or more proconsuls, as well as by Trajan himself; and that it had been welcomed by the people of Prusa, who on more than one occasion had heard the plan explained and had repeatedly expressed enthusiastic approval and guaranteed financial support by private subscription. However, the work involved the demolition of older structures and the removal of certain landmarks, both sacred and profane, and p244Dio son found himself the target for hostile criticism. He seems to have been attacked on the charge of impiety and lack of local patriotism and as being chiefly concerned to serve his personal pride and ambition. It was no doubt by means of such charges that the small but energetic group of opponents tried to discourage payment of subscriptions to the building fund and thus to block proceedings. In the concluding paragraphs of the present address Dio deals ironically with the criticisms of one enemy in particular, whose gossipy remarks are treated as if they were intended for Dio's own good but who seems to have likened him to a tyrant.

Dio tells us, no doubt truthfully, that his active opponents are relatively few; yet his long exile had made him seem to be an outsider, his social and financial status undoubtedly raised him above the general level at Prusa, and his intimacy with Trajan and other influential Romans, while on occasion it was capitalized to the advantage of his people, laid him open to popular suspicion and jealousy. Again, it is human nature for men to be carried away by enthusiasm when plans are first proposed but to find their ardour cooling when work is in progress and subscriptions are falling due. Whatever may have been the cause, it is apparent that affairs have reached such a stage that Dio feels he must abandon his earlier intention of making no more public appeals in support of the work. The speech which he proceeds to deliver is notably sarcastic and bitter, but the justice of his case is made so manifest and his threat to wash his hands of Prusa is so disturbing that his hearers seem to have burst forth into shouts calling for the work to be carried forward. That it was carried forward to completion and acclaimed as a success may reasonably be inferred from the close of Or. 45, which Arnim dates in A.D. 101 or 102, at most but a few months later than the present Discourse.

We find welcome testimony regarding conditions in Bithynia in the tenth book of Pliny's Letters. Immediately following Pliny's entry into that province, A.D. 100 or 111, he reports (17A and B) that finances are in bad shape, that on various pretexts private individuals are in possession of public funds, that public grants have been made for illegal purposes, but that substantial sums may be recoverable from certain contractors at Prusa. Letter 23 and Trajan's reply concern p245a project to "repair an ancient and ruinous bath" at Prusa. A sequel is found in 70, in which Pliny proposes to abandon the original structure, once a private residence of some pretensions but now "a hideous ruin," and to build afresh in a district now "exceedingly deformed." More interesting still for our present purpose is 81, in which it is reported that Cocceianus Dio had been eager to have the Council of Prusa accept for the city "a public edifice which had been erected under his charge." A certain Flavius Archippus, acting through his attorney Eumolpus, had demanded that Dio first render an account of expenditures, charging that the work had not been carried out according to specifications and adding that Dio had been guilty of a grave offence in setting up a statue of Trajan in the same edifice in which were buried Dio's wife and son. Dio had been prompt in presenting to the proconsul the required statement and was urging a speedy hearing, but his opponents continued to create delays. We do not know the outcome of the squabble, but Trajan's reply (82), while recommending an inspection of Dio's accounts, as a matter of public interest, exhibits slight concern over the charges laid against him.

Thus we are led to infer that the popular support achieved by Or. 47 sustained Dio in the years that followed the completion of the colonnade and encouraged him to undertake with renewed zeal some of the projects associated with the ambitious program spoken of in Or. 45.12‑14. It is equally clear that he still had to contend with the opposition of some of his fellow citizens.

p247 The Forty-seventh Discourse:
A Speech in the Public Assembly at Prusa

In the first place, my friends, do not by any means suppose when I rise to speak that you are about to hear a discourse that is extraordinary or remarkable; I mean, for example, one composed to produce a kind of pleasure or to exhibit beauty or wisdom. For possibly I should not in any event have been equal to that sort of thing, but it may be that by good luck I have deceived the public and all the cities; yet be that as it may, it stands to reason that now at all events I have experienced a great lack, indeed a complete forgetfulness, of that sort of eloquence. For a man's words must needs be coloured by the nature of what he is doing and in which he is engrossed; and in my case I have long been engaged in petty and inglorious affairs.1

2 Now perhaps this experience of mine is a matter of necessity, for previously I used to be surprised at those philosophers who abandoned their own countries under no compulsion and chose to dwell among other peoples, and what is more, despite their own claim that a man should honour his fatherland and regard it as of supreme importance, and that activity in public affairs and playing one's part as a citizen is p249the natural duty of a human being.2 I am referring to Zeno, Chrysippus, and Cleanthes, not one of whom stayed at home, despite these brave words. Did they not, then, mean what they said? They above all others did, to my way of thinking. 3 Why, they regarded concern for a man's own city as a noble and truly blessed and appropriate function for men of wisdom; on the other hand, they used to view with distrust the difficulties and vexations it involved — not only ignorance on the part of some, but malice on the part of others, and sheer heedlessness on the part of still others — unless a man of wisdom could at the same time possess the strength and power of a Heracles; however, they considered this impossible.

4 And yet we hear of Heracles himself that, though he made himself master of Egypt and Libya, and also of the people who dwelt about the Euxine Sea, both Thracians and Scythians, and though he captured Ilium, having crossed over with a small army, and though, after gaining control over all these peoples, he actually set himself up as king;3 still when he arrived in Argos4 he busied himself with removing the dung from the stables of Augeas or hunting serpents5 or chasing birds, to keep them from troubling the farmers in Stymphalus, or with performing other such menial and humble tasks at the bidding of another; and finally, they say, he was sent to Hades,6 with such exceeding fairness did his fellow townsman7 treat him! But we hear that, though the p251Argives and Thebans8 praised and admired Heracles, still they shut their eyes to his mistreatment.

5 It was the thought of this, it seems to me, which made Homer, who was not only a fine poet but also in his way a philosopher, spend all his time abroad — so much so that no one could determine his country — and prefer to get twenty-five drachmas by begging,9 and that too in the rôle of a madman, rather than live at home. And so it was that in later days all men claimed him as their countryman.10 Again, while Homer's name is well known among all Greeks and barbarians,11 most men, it is safe to day, have not even heard of Ios12 — if he really was born there — and there is not much talk of Chios or of Colophon either; and yet Colophon can show a poet not inferior to Homer, namely Apollo.13 Again, Pythagoras of his own volition fled from Samos when it was under the tyrant,14 and yet among all other peoples, and especially, I believe, about the shores of Italy, he was honoured as a god.15

6 "What of it," some one in this audience has been saying long since, "are you comparing yourself with Homer and Pythagoras and Zeno?" Nay, by Heaven, not I, except that it was the opinion of all the philosophers that life in their own native land was hard. For what think you? That they did not love p253their home-lands, but that Homer, while he lamented over Odysseus and declared that Odysseus was willing to die forthwith if only he could see the smoke rising from Ithaca,16 did not himself cherish his own city, but, on the contrary, that he was not confessing under the name of Odysseus his own love and longing for his native heath? 7 On the other hand, while I cannot say whether the man who always remained in his father land, doing whatever seemed best to his fellow citizens and the laws,17 benefited the Athenians to any great extent, I do know the loss which they sustained in his death. For even now they still are reproached concerning Socrates for not having behaved toward him either justly or piously, and it is said that this conduct of theirs occasioned all the evils which befell them later.

8 Now this is merely idle talk which you have heard from a "vagabond" and a "chatterbox."18 But as I was saying,19 I beg you not to expect from me at present any high-minded, sage address, but rather one which is amateurish and commonplace, just as are the matters of which it treats. But let me assure you, just as from the moment of my arrival this time20 I had purposed to maintain a discreet silence, I should not have said a single word had not something urgent taken place. For I have taken in hand a problem which has caused me many real problems21 and amazing unpleasantness. Consequently, although formerly I did not understand what in the world was meant by the saying that the Thessalian witches p255draw down to themselves the moon,22 now I have come to understand it fairly well. 9 And I used to envy Aristotle at times because, being a native of Stageira — Stageira was a village in the territory of Olynthus — and having become the teacher of Alexander and an acquaintance of Philip's after the capture of Olynthus, he brought it about that Stageira was resettled,23 and they used to say that he alone had had the good fortune to become founder of his fatherland. But meanwhile, quite recently, I came upon a letter in which he exhibits a change of heart and laments, saying that some of these settlers are trying to corrupt, not only the king, but also the satraps who came there, so as to thwart any good outcome and to prevent entirely the resettlement of the city.

10 But when some persons, exiles and homeless as they were, were actually annoyed by the prospect of having a fatherland and enjoying constitutional government in independence, but preferred to be scattered in villages like barbarians rather than to have the form and name of a city, would it be proper, I ask you, to feel surprise no matter what else annoys certain persons? Accordingly, just as Aristotle has written in his letter as one who has become sick and tired of his troubles — for he says he is holding up his fingers24 — you may consider that I too am holding up my own fingers, as well as any other fingers there p257are. 11 For in truth the infatuation of those fellows proved more than a match for the exertions of Aristotle, so that they did not permit the petty village to grow to the rank of a city, and to this day the spot is uninhabited.25 But let no one charge me with calling this city of ours a Stageira and a village; for I can declare on oath that no other city has appeared to me more excellent, even were it to possess only the smithy of So-and-so,26 which I, the "sacker of cities and citadels,"27 tore down.

12 However, that I may not forget the reason why I took the floor, perhaps I have been guilty of a human error.28 Well then, what penalty do you want me to suffer now in payment for this error, or what do you wish me to do? I ask you to give me your advice. Should I tear down at my own expense the work thus far accomplished and make everything just as it was before? But perhaps I shall not be able to do so. 13 Or what shall I do, in Heaven's name? Do tell me! For I thought as I perceived that other cities were ambitious in such matters — not merely the cities in Asia29 and Syria and Cilicia, but these neighbouring cities so close at hand, Nicomedia, Nicaea, and Caesarea30 yonder, well-born folk and very Greek, yet occupying a city much smaller than our own; — and p259that those who enjoyed the rights of citizenship in each of these cities, no matter if they differed concerning other matters, agreed on such matters as these; and that the Emperor, as luck would have it, was sending written instructions to this effect, stating that he wishes your city to be developed in every way31 — but just let me read you his letter, since it would take too long to read the letter of Aristotle and it would not be worth the trouble — 14 I thought, as I was saying, that it would be this way with you people too, and that no one would be vexed because the city was being embellished. And so far as that is concerned it turned out as I had expected; for you approved these plans, and you yourselves made many and frequent contributions and showed yourselves enthusiastic.

What, then, do you wish? For I swear to you by all the gods, if it meant paining you, or any among you, or being thought a nuisance, I should not choose to have for my very own the palace of Dareius or of Croesus, or to have my own ancestral dwelling golden in very truth instead of in name alone like the house of Nero.32 15 For there is no advantage in a golden house any more than there is in a golden pot or in the Persian plane tree.33 On the other hand, there is advantage when a city becomes good-looking, when it gets more air, open space, shade in summer and in p261winter sunshine beneath the shelter of a roof, and when, in place of cheap, squat wrecks of houses, it gains stately edifices that are worthy of a great city, the purpose being that, just as with well-bred colts and puppies, those who see them can forecast their future height if the legs are long and sturdy, whereas if they are short and stunted men say they will always remain so,34 thus it may be also with our city.

16 But what use is there in you speaking of these things now? One of the sophists did well to call me a nightingale, though he intended it as an insult; his reason, no doubt, was that the poets call the nightingale a tiresome chatterer. But perhaps I may be like the cicadae; for when parched with thirst from exposure of that sun, they sing out of sheer folly, since they are in no wise benefited thereby. Yet perhaps I should not fail to add this much at least on the subject of the tombs and shrines, namely, that it is not likely that the people of Antioch did not lay hands upon anything of this kind; the reason is that they were providing much more space than we are, for their city is thirty-six stades in length and they have constructed colonnades on both sides;35 nor is it likely that the people of Tarsus did not either; nor indeed the people of Nicomedia, who passed a resolution to transfer their tombs. 17 And Macrinus, whom you have recorded as a benefactor of the city, removed from the market-place the tomb of King Prusias,36 and his statue as well. The explanation is that the cities p263I have named have no one who is public-spirited or scrupulous in religious matters; but we had many such!

However, just suit yourselves in these matters. For what concern of mine is the colonnade in this city? As if I could not promenade in any place I please — in the Painted Porch at Athens,37 in the Persian Porch at Sparta,38 in the golden colonnades in Rome,39 in those of Antioch and Tarsus — attended by marks of greater respect, or as if I expected that I alone should sally forth and promenade but no other citizen!40 Why, no one has either a municipal gymnasium all to himself where he exercises or a colonnade or a bath or any other public structure. Or else I have become demented or feeble-minded.

18 However, as I have requested,41 give me your advice. For though it is my desire to please you in every way possible, I am at a loss. For as things are now, if I take the business in hand and try go get the work done, some persons say I am acting the tyrant42 and tearing down the city and all its shrines. For of course it was I who set fire to the temple of Zeus! Yet I saved the statues from the scrap-pile, and now they are placed in the most conspicuous spot in the city. But if, on the contrary, I hold my peace, not wishing to make any one groan or to give offence to any one, you cry out, "Let the work proceed, or else p265let what has been accomplished to date be torn down!" — as if by this you were taunting and reproaching me. 19 Well, what do you wish me to do? For I will do whatever you say, and as to everything essential I will raise no objection, no matter if some one has done a job for which he has rendered no accounting,43 no matter if he is still at work and receiving funds regularly from the annual officials, just as if he were destined to continue receiving these funds for the jar that never fills, no matter what else may take place — for what have I to do with these matters? For I shall not go walking through your colonnade, you may be sure. But do you wish me to go ahead with the work, and to visit the proconsul and beg him to collect the subscriptions,44 gently and with regard to ability to pay, from those who have promised them? you ready to do even this; not only so, but even to contribute a portion of what has been subscribed myself, so as to lighten the burden of the rest. 20 Only do give me some instructions; otherwise I shall hold my peace and let you shout — or rather I shall go away. For unlike the fox who ate the meat and could not get out of the oak because she had stuffed herself,45 I shall find no difficulty in getting out on that score, for I have grown much thinner than I was when I came in.46

And in Heaven's name don't imagine you are showing me kindness when you shout about the p267colonnade,47 for there is, I may say, only one man in the city, so I hear, who is showing me kindness and taking special thought for my welfare; moreover, no one, whether friend or kinsman, shows concern for me in that way.48 But consider whether you will think he reasons well in my behalf and is devoted to me, 21 seeing that, in the first place, he believes that after all my perils and hardships I should live here quietly and devote myself to my private affairs and neither cultivate proconsuls49 nor have any other occupation; also, since I have recovered only a small part of my property, and since, on top of my earlier losses, when my sister died I not only derived no profit from her estate but even lost everything of mine that she controlled50 and had to make a loan for the purchase my farm, he argues that I should repay this obligation, as well as the earlier debts, and not be building a colonnade or incurring expenses beyond my ability to carry; 22 furthermore, since I am on terms of acquaintance, perhaps even of intimacy, with the Emperor, as well as with many others who may be called the most influential among the Romans, he suggests that I should associate with them, enjoying their esteem and admiration,51 instead of being taken to task in your city before this or that individual; again, if I really like foreign travel, I should, he says, visit the greatest cities, escorted with much enthusiasm and éclat, the recipients of my visits being p269grateful for my presence and begging me to address them and advise them flocking about my doors from early dawn,52 all without my having incurred any expense or having made any contribution, with the result that all would admire me and perhaps some would exclaim,

Ye gods! his dear and honoured is this man

To whatsoever town and folk he comes;53

23 but I should not spend money out of slender resources, be busied with unprofitable ventures, destroy with neglect my body, which calls for treatment and much attention, allow my soul to go so long without a taste of philosophy and kindred subjects, and be called to account before this or that man and be subjected to abuse at times and made to smart.

By Heaven, is not the man who frets and reasons thus in my behalf most well disposed toward me of all and most deserving of my love? However, when I hear that a certain person is talking about me as if I were a tyrant, it seems to me to be amazing, yes, ridiculous. 24 For according to my understanding tyrant's acts are like the following: seduction of married women and ruining of boys, beating and maltreating free men in the sight of all, sometimes even subjecting men to torture, as, for example, plunging them into a seething cauldron, and at other times administering a coat of tar; but I do naught of this. Furthermore, I know regarding a female tyrant, Semiramis,54 that, being advanced in years and lustful, she used to force men to lie with p271her. And of male tyrants I have heard it said that so-and-so did the same thing, outrageous old sinner!55

25 But what has all this to do with me? Is it because I build my house in costly style56 instead of letting it tumble down? Or because I myself wear purple instead of a miserable rag or cloak? Can it be because I wear long hair and have a beard?57 But, possibly this is not the mark of a tyrant but rather of a king. However that may be, some one58 has said that being roundly abused, though doing kindly deeds, is also a mark of royalty.


The Loeb Editor's Notes:

1 Dio speaks bitterly of the pettiness of the opposition to his favourite project of embellishing Prusa. Cf. § 8.

2 Dio believed, as a good Stoic, that the philosopher should take part in public affairs (cf. Or. 49.3), but sad experience made him begin to distrust the doctrine.

3 Cf. Iliad 5.638‑651. According to tradition he made Priam king.

4 Having been maddened by Hera, Heracles slew his own children. By way of expiation he was made subject to his cousin, Eurystheus, king of Argos, who imposed upon him the Twelve Labours, some of which are here referred to.

5 The Lernaean Hydra.

6 To fetch Cerberus.

7 Eurystheus.

8 Heracles was born at Thebes, and many of his earlier exploits are associated with that city.

9 Cf. Or. 11.15‑16.

10 A well-known epigram runs as follows:

Ἑπτὰ πόλεις διερίζουσιν περὶ ῥίζαν Ὁμήρου,

Σμύρνα, Ῥόδος, Κολοφών, Σαλαμίς, Ἴος, Ἄργος, Ἀθῆναι.

But we hear of many other claimants; Suidas includes in his long list even Rome itself!

11 Cf. Or. 36.9‑10 and 53.6‑7.

12 An island north of Thera which played an inconspicuous part in Greek history.

13 Apollo's oracle at Clarus in Asia Minor was "in the land of Colophon" (Pausanias 7.5.4).

14 Polycrates.

15 Pythagoras established at Croton a mystic community in which he was revered, if not "honoured as a god."

16 Cf. Odyssey 1.57‑59:

αὐτὰρ Ὀδυσσεὺς

ἱέμενος καὶ καπνὸν ἀποθρώσκοντα νοῆσαι

ἧς γαίνης, θανέειν ἱμείρεται.

17 Socrates. Cf. Plato, Crito 52A-D.

18 Presumably Dio is quoting epithets that have been applied to him by his critics.

19 Cf. § 1.

20 On his return from his mission to Rome, A.D. 100.

21 Dio here puns on the conventional meanings of πρᾶγμα and πράγματα.

22 Thessaly was noted for the practice of magic. Aristophanes, Clouds 749‑752, makes comic references to Thessalian women drawing down the moon. Dio appears to interpret the tradition with reference to attempting the impossible.

23 Both Stageira and Olynthus were destroyed by Philip in 348 B.C. Though Olynthus was never rebuilt, Aristotle prevailed upon Alexander to restore Stageira. Cf. Plutarch, Alexander 7 and Vita Aristotelis Marc. 276B.

24 Greek athletes "held up their fingers" to signify acceptance of defeat; cf. Theocritus 22.128‑130. Dio's extravagant phrasing of the formula as applied to himself betrays his extreme exasperation.

25 Here Dio seems to contradict not only what he had said at the beginning of § 9 but also the express testimony of Plutarch and the author of the Vita Aristotelis previously cited. Dio may have inferred from the tone of Aristotle's letter that after negotiations had gone far enough to warrant the phrase "founder of his fatherland" the project came to naught.

26 Dio has a good deal to say on the subject of this smithy in Or. 49.8‑9.

27 Quoting his detractors.

28 Presumably the error of not leaving his fatherland as did the philosophers named in §§ 2‑3.

29 The Roman province of Asia.

30 Little is known of this Caesarea. Its very location is a matter of dispute.

31 The letter here referred to may well be the same as the one mentioned in Or. 40.5. From that passage we gather that the proconsuls of Bithynia had been corresponding with Trajan with a view to improving conditions in Prusa. The nature of such correspondence may be inferred from Pliny's interchange of letters with Trajan (see Introduction). In the present instance the letter from the Emperor must have been brief or Dio would hardly have resumed his sentence after having read it.

32 Nero's domus aurea was a stupendous complex, which he started to build after the great fire of A.D. 64 but never completed. It did not long survive his death. The Colosseum occupies a portion of the ground which it enclosed.

33 Commonly called golden. Cf. Or. 6.37, 57.12 and Herodotus 7.27.

34 Aristotle, Hist. Anim. 500B-501A, notes that the young of the lower animals develop in proportion to their legs.

35 The extensive colonnades of Antioch on the Orontes, third city in the Empire, were doubtless of recent construction (cf.  Or. 40.11) and may well have necessitated the removal of tombs and shrines. Tarsus too had recently been active in building (loc. cit.).

36 Founder of Prusa.

37 So named for its murals, the work of most famous artists. It was the meeting-place of the Stoics, who owed their name to that fact.

Thayer's Note: This might puzzle some. Prof. Crosby forgot that some of us don't have Greek; Stoic is from stoa, "porch".

38 According to Pausanias (3.11.3), it was built from the spoils of the Persian War and was the most striking ornament of the market-place.

39 Platner, Topography and Monuments of Ancient Rome, lists some thirty-three colonnades at Rome.

Thayer's Note: In 1946 when this Loeb volume of Dio was published, that reference was already outdated, Platner's work having long been superseded by his own Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome, completed by Thomas Ashby in 1929. The entry Porticus lists 50 of these colonnades under 56 names.

40 Dio's enemies may have suggested that his operations were for his own gratification. See Introduction.

41 Cf. § 14.

42 Cf. § 23.

43 Dio himself was later to be taken to task for not having rendered an account of expenditures (Pliny, Letters 10.81). Possibly, however, Dio here is thinking rather of work that has reached completion in contrast with work still in progress.

44 The active interest of the proconsul in the financial soundness of his province is shown by the letters of Pliny (e.g. 10.23).

45 Aesop 31.

46 Dio had not only contributed generously (cf. § 21: καὶ μὴ στοὰν οἰκοδομεῖν μηδὲ ἀναλίσκειν, κτλ.) but also had neglected his own affairs because of concern for public interests (Or. 40.2).

47 The crowd must have shouted its approval of his project.

48 From this point on Dio ironically presents as friendly advice what must have been hostile criticism on the part of his unnamed "adviser."

49 Dio's unofficial dealings with the proconsul doubtless aroused resentment. There is a sting in θεραπεύειν.

50 She probably had held some of his property for him during his exile.

51 Dio seems to have been indiscreet in referring too frequently to his influential friends at Rome. His provincial neighbours held it against him.

52 This sounds like a malicious echo of what Dio may have reported regarding his recent sojourn in Rome.

53 Odyssey 10.38‑39.

54 Assyrian queen, best known as a builder. The scandalous gossip here reported is found nowhere else.

55 Wilamowitz conjectures that Tiberius is the anonymous offender. Tacitus and others hint at his indulgence in unnatural vices.

56 This suggestion and the one which follows were doubtless made in irony. They do not accord with what is known of Dio in his philosophic period.

57 On his addiction to long hair, cf. Or. 35.2.

58 Alexander the Great, according to Plutarch; Antisthenes, according to Marcus Aurelius.


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