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This webpage reproduces a section of
The Library of History

Diodorus Siculus

published in Vol. VII
of the Loeb Classical Library edition, 1952

The text is in the public domain.

This page has been carefully proofread
and I believe it to be free of errors.
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please let me know!

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(Vol. VII) Diodorus Siculus
Library of History

p225 Book XVI (beginning)

How Philip, son of Amyntas, succeeded to the Macedonian throne (chaps. 1‑2).

How he defeated Argaeus, pretender to the throne (chap. 3).

How, having subdued the Illyrians and the Paeonians, he acquired the empire of his fathers (chap. 4).

On the pusillanimity of Dionysius the Younger and the flight of Dion (chaps. 5‑6).

The founding of Tauromenium in Sicily (chap. 7.1).

Events in Euboea and in the course of the Social War (chap. 7.2‑end).

Siege of Amphipolis by Philip and its capture (chap. 8.1‑2).

How Philip, having reduced to slavery the people of Pydna, developed the gold mines (chap. 8.3‑end).

How Dion, having liberated the Syracusans, defeated Dionysius (chaps. 9‑15).

How, after being expelled from his native land, he again got control of Syracuse (chaps. 16‑20).

Conclusion of the Social War (chaps. 21‑22.2).

Combination of three kings against Philip (chap. 22.3).

How Philomelus the Phocian, having seized Delphi and its oracle, kindled the Sacred War (chaps. 23‑25).


On the original discovery of the oracle (chap. 26).

The defeat and death of Philomelus the Phocian (chaps. 27‑31).

Onomarchus' succession to the command and his preparations for war (chaps. 32‑33).

How the Boeotians, having come to the assistance of Artabazus, defeated the satraps of the Great King (chap. 34.1‑2).

How the Athenians, having gained the mastery of the Chersonesus, colonized it (chap. 34.3‑4).

How Philip, having captured Methonê, razed it (chap. 34.4‑end).

How Philip, having defeated the Phocians, drove them from Thessaly (chap. 35.1).

How Onomarchus the Phocian, having defeated Philip in two battles, brought him into extreme peril (chap. 35.2).

How Onomarchus, having defeated the Boeotians, seized Coroneia (chap. 35.3).

How Onomarchus, in a pitched battle with Philip and the Thessalians in Thessaly, was defeated (chap. 35.4‑5).

How Onomarchus himself was hanged and the rest of his faction were drowned in the sea as temple-robbers (chap. 35.6).

How Phaÿllus, having succeeded to the command, coined into money many of the silver and gold dedications at the shrine (chap. 36.1).

How, having raised the rate of pay, he gathered a multitude of mercenaries (chap. 36).

How he raised the fortunes of the Phocians when they were at their lowest ebb (chap. 37.1).

How, by corrupting the cities and their chief men with bribes, he won many allies (chap. 37.2‑3).

p229 How the tyrants of the Pheraeans, having betrayed Pherae to Philip, became allies of the Phocians (chap. 37.3).

Battle of the Phocians with the Boeotians near Orchomenus and defeat of the Phocians (chap. 37.4‑5).

Other battles of the same peoples by the Cephisus and Coroneia and victory of the Boeotians (chap. 37.5‑6).

How Phaÿllus, having made an expedition into Locris, captured many cities (chap. 38.1‑5).

How Phaÿllus, having fallen ill of a wasting sickness, died a painful death (chap. 38.6).

How Phalaecus, having succeeded to the command, conducted the war disgracefully, and was driven into exile (chaps. 38.6‑end and 59).

How the peoples of the Peloponnese broke out in civil strife (chap. 39).

How Artaxerxes, commonly called Ochus, again got possession of Egypt, Phoenicia, and Cyprus (chaps. 40‑52.8).

How Philip, having won the Chalcidian cities to his side, razed their most important one (chaps. 52.9‑55).

Investigation of the expenditure of the sacred monies and punishment of the pillagers (chaps. 56‑57).

How those who took refuge at the shrine of Apollo, Phocians all, five hundred in number, were miraculously to the last man burned to death (chap. 58).

How the Phocian war was concluded (chaps. 59‑60).

How those who had participated with the Phocians in the pillaging of the shrine were all punished by some sort of divine agency (chaps. 61‑64).

The voyage of Timoleon to Sicily and his fortunes up to his death (chaps. 65‑90 passim).

p231 The siege of Perinthus and Byzantium by Philip (chaps. 74‑77).

Philip's battle with the Athenians at Chaeroneia and the defeat of the Athenians (chaps. 84‑88).

How the Greeks chose Philip as their generalissimo (chap. 89).

How Philip was assassinated as he was about to cross into Asia (chaps. 91‑95).

p233 1 1 In all systematic historical treatises it behooves the historian to include in his books actions of states or of kings which are complete in themselves from beginning to end; for in this manner I conceive history to be most easy to remember and most intelligible to the reader. 2 Now incomplete actions, the conclusion of which is unconnected with the beginning, interrupt the interest of the curious reader, whereas if the actions embrace a continuity of development culminating naturally, the narrative of events will achieve a well-rounded perfection. Whenever the natural pattern of events itself harmonizes with the task of the historian, from that point on he must not deviate at all from this principle.1 3 Consequently, now that I have reached the actions of Philip son of Amyntas, I shall endeavour to include the deeds performed by this king within the compass of the present Book. For Philip was king over the Macedonians for twenty-four years, and having started from the most insignificant beginnings built up his kingdom to be the greatest of the dominions in Europe, and having taken over Macedonia when she was a slave to the Illyrians, made her mistress of many p235powerful tribes and states. 4 And it was by his own valour that he took over the supremacy of all Hellas with the consent of the states, which voluntarily subordinated themselves to his authority. Having subdued in war the men who had been plundering the shrine at Delphi and having brought aid to the oracle, he won a seat in the Amphictyonic Council, and because of his reverence for the gods received as his prize in the contest, after the defeat of the Phocians, the votes which had been theirs. 5 Then when he had conquered in war Illyrians, Paeonians, Thracians, Scythians, and all the peoples in the vicinity of these, he planned to overthrow the Persian kingdom, and, after transporting his armaments into Asia, was in the act of liberating the Greek cities; but, cut short by Fate in mid-career, he left armies so numerous and powerful that his son Alexander had no need to apply for allies in his attempt to overthrow the Persian supremacy.2 6 And these deeds he accomplished, not by the favour of Fortune, but by his own valour. For King Philip excelled in shrewdness in the art of war, courage, and brilliance of personality. But, not to anticipate his achievements in my introduction, I shall proceed to the continuous thread of the narrative after first briefly retracing his early period.

2 1 When Callimedes was archon at Athens, the one hundred fifth celebration of the Olympian games was held at which Porus of Cyrenê won the stadion race, and the Romans elected as consuls Gnaeus Genucius and Lucius Aemilius. During their term of office Philip, the son of Amyntas and father of Alexander who defeated the Persians in war, succeeded to the Macedonian throne in the following manner. 2 After p237Amyntas had been defeated by the Illyrians3 and forced to pay tribute to his conquerors, the Illyrians, who had taken Philip, the youngest son of Amyntas, as a hostage, placed him in the care of the Thebans.4 They in turn entrusted the lad to the father of Epameinondas and directed him both to keep careful watch over his ward and to superintend his upbringing and education. 3 Since Epameinondas had as his instructor a philosopher of the Pythagorean school,5 Philip, who was reared along with him, acquired a wide acquaintance with the Pythagorean philosophy. Inasmuch as both students showed natural ability and diligence they proved to be superior in deeds of valour. Of the two, Epameinondas underwent the most rigorous tests and battles, and invested his fatherland almost miraculously with the leadership of Hellas, while Philip, availing himself of the same initial training, achieved no less fame than Epameinondas. 4 For after the death of Amyntas, Alexander,6 the eldest of the sons of Amyntas, succeeded to the throne. p239But Ptolemy of Alorus7 assassinated him and succeeded to the throne and then in similar fashion Perdiccas8 disposed of him and ruled as king. But when he was defeated in a great battle by the Illyrians9 and fell in the action, Philip his brother, who had escaped from his detention as a hostage, succeeded to the kingdom,10 now in a bad way. 5 For the Macedonians had lost more than four thousand men in the battle, and the remainder, panic-stricken, had become exceedingly afraid of the Illyrian armies and had lost heart for continuing the war. 6 About the same time the Paeonians, who lived near Macedonia, began to pillage their territory, showing contempt for the Macedonians, and the Illyrians began to assemble large armies and prepare for an invasion of Macedonia, while a certain Pausanias,11 who was related to the royal line of Macedon, was planning with the aid of the Thracian king12 to join the contest for the throne of Macedon. Similarly, the Athenians too, being hostile to Philip, were endeavouring to restore Argaeus13 to the throne and had dispatched Mantias as general with three thousand hoplites and a considerable naval force.

3 1 The Macedonians because of the disaster sustained in the battle and the magnitude of the dangers pressing upon them were in the greatest perplexity. Yet even so, with such fears and dangers threatening p241them, Philip was not panic-stricken by the magnitude of the expected perils, but, bringing together the Macedonians in a series of assemblies and exhorting them with eloquent speeches to be men, he built up their morale, and, having improved the organization of his forces and equipped the men suitably with weapons14 of war, he held constant manoeuvres of the men under arms and competitive drills. 2 Indeed he devised the compact order and the equipment of the phalanx, imitating the close order fighting with overlapping shields of the warriors at Troy,15 and was the first to organize the Macedonian phalanx. 3 He was courteous in his intercourse with men and sought to win over the multitudes by his gifts and his promises to the fullest loyalty, and endeavoured to counteract by clever moves the crowd of impending dangers. For instance, when he observed that the Athenians were centring all their ambition upon recovering Amphipolis and for this reason were trying to bring Argaeus back to the throne, he voluntarily withdrew from the city, after first making it autonomous.16 4 Then p243he sent an embassy to the Paeonians, and by corrupting some with gifts and persuading others by generous promises he made an agreement with them to maintain peace for the present. In similar fashion he prevented the return of Pausanias by winning over with gifts the king17 who was on the point of attempting his restoration. 5 Mantias, the Athenian general, who had sailed into Methonê,18 stayed behind there himself but sent Argaeus with his mercenaries to Aegae.19 And Argaeus approached the city and invited the population of Aegae to welcome his return and become the founders of his own kingship. 6 When no one paid any attention to him, he turned back to Methonê, but Philip, who suddenly appeared with his soldiers, engaged him in battle, slew many of his mercenaries, and released under a truce20 the rest, who had fled for refuge to a certain hill, after he had first obtained from them the exiles, whom they delivered to him.

Now Philip by his success in this first battle encouraged the Macedonians to meet the succeeding contests with greater temerity. 7 While these things were going on, the Thasians settled the place called Crenides,21 which the king afterward named Philippi for himself and made a populous settlement.

8 Among the writers of history Theopompus of p245Chios22 began his history of Philip at this point and composed fifty-eight books, of which five are lost.

4 1 When Eucharistus was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Quintus Servilius and Quintus Genucius. During their term of office Philip sent ambassadors to Athens and persuaded the assembly to make peace with him on the ground that he abandoned for all time any claim to Amphipolis.23 2 Now that he was relieved of the war with the Athenians and had information that the king of the Paeonians, Agis, was dead, he conceived that he had the opportunity to attack the Paeonians. Accordingly, having conducted an expedition into Paeonia and defeated the barbarians in a battle, he compelled the tribe to acknowledge allegiance to the Macedonians. 3 And since the Illyrians were still left as enemies, he was ambitious to defeat them in war also. So, having quickly called an assembly and exhorted his soldiers for the war in a fitting speech, he led an expedition into the Illyrian territory, having no less than ten thousand foot-soldiers and six hundred horsemen. 4 Bardylis,24 the king of the Illyrians, having learned of the presence of the enemy, first dispatched envoys to arrange for a cessation of hostilities on the condition that both sides remained possessed of the cities which they then controlled. But when Philip said that he indeed desired peace but would not, however, concur in that proposal unless the Illyrians should withdraw p247from all the Macedonian cities, the envoys returned without having accomplished their purpose, and Bardylis, relying upon his previous victories and the gallant conduct of the Illyrians, came out to meet the enemy with his army; and he had ten thousand picked infantry soldiers and about five hundred cavalry. 5 When the armies approached each other and with a great outcry clashed in the battle, Philip, commanding the right wing, which consisted of the flower of the Macedonians serving under him, ordered his cavalry to ride past the ranks of the barbarians and attack them on the flank, while he himself falling on the enemy in a frontal assault began bitter combat.25 6 But the Illyrians, forming themselves into a square, courageously entered the fray. And at first for a long while the battle was evenly poised because of the exceeding gallantry displayed on both sides, and as many were slain and still more wounded, the fortune of battle vacillated first one way then the other, being constantly swayed by the valorous deeds of the combatants; but later as the horsemen pressed on from the flank and rear and Philip with the flower of his troops fought with true heroism, the mass of the Illyrians was compelled to take hastily to flight. 7 When the pursuit had been kept up for a considerable distance and many had been slain in their flight, Philip recalled the Macedonians with the trumpet and erecting a trophy of victory buried his own dead, while the Illyrians, having sent ambassadors and withdrawn from all the Macedonian cities, obtained peace. But p249more than seven thousand Illyrians were slain in this battle.

5 1 Since we have finished with the affairs of Macedonia and Illyria, we shall now turn to events of a different kind. In Sicily Dionysius the Younger, tyrant of the Syracusans, who had succeeded to the realm26 in the period preceding this but was indolent and much inferior to his father, pretended because of his lack of enterprise to be peacefully inclined and mild of disposition.27 2 Accordingly, since he had inherited the war with the Carthaginians,28 he made peace with them and likewise pursued war listlessly for some time against the Lucanians29 and then, in the latest battles having had the advantage, he gladly brought to a close the war against them. 3 In Apulia he founded two cities because he wished to make safe for navigators the passage across the Ionian Sea; for the barbarians who dwelt along the coast were accustomed to put out in numerous pirate ships and render the whole shore along the Adriatic Sea unsafe for merchants. 4 Thereafter, having given himself over to a peaceful existence, he relieved the soldiers of their drills in warfare and though he had succeeded to the greatest of the realms in Europe, the tyranny that was said by his father to be bound p251fast by adamantine chains,30 yet, strange to say, he lost it all by his pusillanimity. The causes for its dissolution and the various events I shall attempt to record.

6 1 When Cephisodotus was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Gaius Licinius and Gaius Sulpicius. During their term of office Dion, son of Hipparinus and the most distinguished of the Syracusans, escaped from Sicily31 and by his nobility of spirit set free the Syracusans and the other Sicilian Greeks in the following manner. 2 Dionysius the Elder had begotten children of two wives, of the first, who was a Locrian by birth, Dionysius, who succeeded to the tyranny, and of the second, who was the daughter of Hipparinus, a Syracusan of great renown, two sons Hipparinus and Nysaeus. 3 It chanced that the brother of the second wife was Dion, a man who had great proficiency in philosophy32 and, in matter of courage and skill in the art of war, far surpassed the other Syracusans of his time. 4 Dion, because of his high birth and nobility of spirit, fell under suspicion with the tyrant, for he was considered powerful enough to overthrow the tyranny. So, fearing him, Dionysius decided to get him out of the way by arresting him on a charge involving the death penalty. But Dion, becoming aware of this, was at first concealed in the home of some of his friends, and p253then escaped from Sicily to the Peloponnese in the company of his brother Megacles and of Heracleides who had been appointed commandant of the garrison by the tyrant. 5 When he landed at Corinth, he besought the Corinthians33 to collaborate with him in setting free the Syracusans, and he himself began to gather mercenary troops and to collect suits of armour.34 Soon many gave ear to his pleas and he gradually accumulated large supplies of armour and many mercenaries,35 then, hiring two merchantmen, he loaded on board arms and men, while he himself with these transports sailed from Zacynthus, which is near Cephallenia, to Sicily, but he left Heracleides behind to bring up later some triremes as well as merchantmen to Syracuse.

7 1 While these things were going on, Andromachus of Tauromenium,36 who was the father of Timaeus, the author of the Histories, and distinguished for his wealth and nobility of spirit, gathered together the men who had survived the razing of Naxos by Dionysius. Having settled the hill above Naxos called Tauros and remained there a considerable time, he called it Tauromenium from his "remaining on p255Tauros."37 And as the city made quick progress, the inhabitants laid up great wealth, and the city, which had won considerable repute, finally in our own lifetime, after Caesar38 had expelled the inhabitants of Tauromenium from their native land, received a colony of Roman citizens.

2 While these things were going on, the inhabitants of Euboea fell into strife among themselves, and when one party summoned the Boeotians to its assistance and the other the Athenians, war broke out over all Euboea. A good many close combats and skirmishes occurred in which sometimes the Thebans were superior and sometimes the Athenians carried off the victory. Although no important pitched battle was fought to a finish, yet when the island had been devastated by the intestinal warfare and many men had been slain on both sides, at long last admonished by the disasters, the parties came to an agreement and made peace with one another.39

Now the Boeotians returned home and remained quiet, 3 but the Athenians, who had suffered the revolt p257of Chios, Rhodes, and Cos and, moreover, of Byzantium, became involved in the war called the Social War which lasted three years.40 The Athenians chose Chares and Chabrias as generals and dispatched them with an army. The two generals on sailing into Chios found that allies had arrived to assist the Chians from Byzantium, Rhodes, and Cos, and also from Mausolus,41 the tyrant of Caria. They then drew up their forces and began to besiege the city both by land and by sea. Now Chares, who commanded the infantry force, advanced against the walls by land and began a struggle with the enemy who poured out on him from the city; but Chabrias, sailing up to the harbour, fought a severe naval engagement and was worsted when his ship was shattered by a ramming attack. 4 While the men on the other ships withdrew in the nick of time and saved their lives, he, choosing death with glory instead of defeat, fought on for his ship and died of his wounds.42

8 1 About the same time Philip, king of the Macedonians, who had been victorious over the Illyrians43 in a great battle and had made subject all the people who dwelt there as far as the lake called Lychnitis,44 now returned to Macedonia, having arranged a noteworthy peace with the Illyrians and won great acclaim p259among the Macedonians for the success due to his valour. 2 Thereupon, finding that the people of Amphipolis45 were ill-disposed toward him and offered many pretexts for war, he entered upon a campaign against them with a considerable force. By bringing siege-engines against the walls46 and launching severe and continuous assaults, he succeeded in breaching a portion of the wall with his battering rams, whereupon, having entered the city through the breach and struck down many of his opponents, he obtained the mastery of the city and exiled those who were disaffected toward him, but treated the rest considerately.47 3 Since this city was favourably situated with regard to Thrace and the neighbouring regions, it contributed greatly to the aggrandizement of Philip. Indeed he immediately reduced Pydna,48 and made an alliance with the Olynthians49 in the terms of which he agreed to take over for them Potidaea, a city which the Olynthians had set their hearts on possessing. 4 Since the Olynthians inhabited an important city and because of its huge population had great influence in war, their city was an object of contention for those who sought to extend their supremacy. For this reason the Athenians and Philip were rivals against one another for the alliance with the Olynthians. 5 However that may p261be, Philip, when he had forced Potidaea to surrender, led the Athenian garrison out of the city and, treating it considerately, sent it back to Athens — for he was particularly solicitous toward the people of Athens on account of the importance and repute of their city — but, having sold the inhabitants into slavery, he handed it over to the Olynthians, presenting them also at the same time with all the properties in the territory of Potidaea. 6 After this he went to the city of Crenides,50 and having increased its size with a large number of inhabitants, changed its name to Philippi, giving it his own name, and then, turning to the gold mines in its territory, which were very scanty and insignificant, he increased their output so much by his improvements that they could bring him a revenue of more than a thousand talents. 7 And because from these mines he had soon amassed a fortune, with the abundance of money he raised the Macedonian kingdom higher and higher to a greatly superior position, for with the gold coins which he struck, which came to be known from name as Philippeioi,51 he organized a large force of mercenaries, and by using these coins for bribes induced many Greeks to become betrayers of their native lands. But concerning these matters the several events, when recorded, will explain everything in detail, and we shall now shift our account back to the events in the order of their occurrence.

9 1 When Agathocles was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Marcus Fabius and Gaius p263Poplius. During their term of office, Dion son of Hipparinus sailed to Sicily intending to overthrow the tyranny of Dionysius, and with slenderer resources than those of any conqueror before his time he succeeded contrary to all expectation in overthrowing the greatest realm in all Europe. 2 Who, indeed, would have believed that, putting ashore with two52 merchantmen, he could actually have overcome the despot who had at his disposal four hundred ships53 of war, infantry numbering nearly one hundred thousand, ten thousand horse, and as great a store of arms, food, and money as one in all probability possessed who had to maintain lavishly the aforesaid forces; and, apart from all we have mentioned, had a city which was the largest of the cities of Hellas, and harbours and docks and fortified citadels54 that were impregnable, and, besides, a great number of powerful allies? 3 The cause for Dion's successes was, above all others, his own nobility of spirit, his courage, and the willing support of those who were to be liberated, but still more important than all these were the pusillanimity of the tyrant and his subjects' hatred of him; for when all these characteristics merged at a single critical moment, they unexpectedly brought to a successful close deeds which were considered impossible.

4 But we must forgo these reflections and turn to the detailed narrative of the events as they severally occurred. Dion, having sailed from Zacynthos, which p265lies by Cephallenia, with two merchantmen, put in at the harbour of Acragas named Minoa. This had been founded of olden time by Minos, king of the Cretans, on the occasion when, in his search for Daedalus, he had been entertained by Cocalus, king of the Sicanians,55 but in the period with which we are concerned this city was subject to the Carthaginians, and its governor, named Paralus,56 who was a friend of Dion, received him enthusiastically. 5 Dion, having unloaded from the merchantman five thousand suits of armour, handed them over to Paralus and requested him to transport them on wagons to Syracuse, while he himself, taking along the mercenaries57 numbering a thousand, led them against Syracuse. On the march he persuaded the peoples of Acragas, Gela, and some of the Sicanians and Sicels who dwelt in the interior, also the people of Camarina, to join in the liberation of the Syracusans, and then advanced to overthrow the tyrant. 6 Since many men with their arms streamed in from all sides, soon more than twenty thousand soldiers were gathered. Likewise many also of the Greeks from Italy and of the Messenians were summoned, and all came in haste with great enthusiasm.58

10 1 When Dion was on the borders of the Syracusan territory, there came to meet him a host of men without p267arms both from the countryside and from the city; for Dionysius, being suspicious of the Syracusans, had disarmed many of them. 2 About this time the tyrant was sojourning in the newly founded cities59 along the Adriatic with large forces, and the commanders who had been left in charge of the garrison of Syracuse at first attempted to summon back the Syracusans from their revolt, but when the impulse of the mobs could not be checked they gave up in despair and gathered mercenaries and those who favoured the cause of the tyrant, and having filled their ranks decided to attack the insurgents. 3 Dion distributed the five thousand suits of armour60 to such of the Syracusans as were unarmed, and equipped the rest as well as he could with weapons that came to hand. Then having brought them all to a general assembly, he disclosed that he had come for the liberation of the Greeks of Sicily, and he urged them to elect as generals those men who were well qualified to effect the restoration of their independence and the dissolution of the entire tyranny. The crowd as with one voice cried out that it chose Dion and his brother Megacles61 as generals with absolute power.62 4 Accordingly he drew up his army in line of battle immediately at the close of the assembly and advanced upon the city. Since no one disputed with him the open country, he entered fearlessly within the walls, and making his way through p269Achradina63 encamped in the market-place, no one daring to come out against him. 5 The whole number of the soldiers with Dion was not less than fifty thousand.64 All of these with garlands on their heads came down to the city under the leadership of Dion and Megacles and with them thirty65 Syracusans who alone of the exiles in the Peloponnese were willing to share in the battles with their fellow Syracusans.

11 1 Now that all the city had put on the garb of freedom in exchange for that of slavery and that fortune had changed the sullen looks of the tyranny to festival gaiety, every house was filled with sacrificing and rejoicing, as the citizens burnt incense on their own hearths, thanked the gods for their present blessings, and offered hopeful prayers for blessings to come. The women too raised great shouts of joy for the unexpected good fortune and gathered together in throngs throughout the whole city. 2 There was no freeman, no slave, no stranger who did not hasten to gaze upon Dion, and all applauded the man's valour in terms too exalted for a mere mortal.66 And they had good reason for such feelings because of the magnitude and unexpected nature of the change; for after having experienced fifty years67 slavery and forgotten the meaning of freedom through the lapse of time, they were suddenly released from their misfortune by the valour of a single man.

3 Dionysius himself at this time chanced to be p271sojourning near Caulonia68 in Italy, and he sent for Philistus69 his general, who was cruising the Adriatic, to come with his fleet and ordered him to sail to Syracuse. Both men made haste to reach the same spot, but Dionysius arrived seven days after the return of Dion. 4 Immediately, then, on his arrival, desirous of outmanoeuvring the Syracusans, he sent an embassy to make peace, and gave many indications that he would surrender his power as tyrant to the people and would accept of the people's government important privileges in exchange. He requested them to dispatch envoys to him so that he might sit in conference with them and bring the war to an end.70 5 The Syracusans, accordingly, elated with hopes, dispatched as envoys the most important of their men; but Dionysius, having placed them under guard, postponed the conference and, observing that the Syracusans because of their hope of peace were lax in the matter of garrisons and unprepared for a battle, suddenly opened the gates of the citadel on the Island,71 and issued forth with his army in battle array.

12 1 Since the Syracusans had constructed a crosswall of their own from sea to sea, the mercenaries fell upon the wall with a loud and terrifying outcry, massacred many of the garrison and, getting inside p273the wall, engaged in a struggle with those who were coming out to the rescue. 2 Dion, being unexpectedly tricked by the violation of the truce, came to meet the enemy with his best soldiers and joining battle wrought extensive slaughter. For when fighting took place, as if in a stadium, within the narrow interval afforded by the crosswall, a multitude of soldiers collected in a contracted space. 3 For this reason on both sides men outstanding in gallantry met in the action and since Dionysius' mercenaries, by the size of the promised rewards, and the Syracusans, by the hope of freedom, were wrought up to a high pitch of rivalry, at first the battle stood equally poised, as the valour of both sides in the fight was equal. Many fell, and not a few were wounded, receiving all the blows in front; for on the one hand those in the front rank courageously met death defending the rest, and those arrayed behind them covering them with their shields as they fell and holding firm in the desperate peril took the most dangerous risks to win the victory. 4 After this engagement Dion, wishing to display his valour in the battle and eager to win the victory by his own deeds, forced his way into the midst of the enemy and there in an heroic encounter slew many and having disrupted the whole battle line of the mercenaries was suddenly cut off and isolated in the crowd. Many missiles hurled at him fell upon his shield and helmet, but he escaped these owing to the protection of his armour, but receiving a wound on his right arm he was borne down by the weight of the blow and barely escaped capture by the enemy. 5 The Syracusans, fearing for their general's safety, dashed p275into the mercenaries in heavy formation and rescued the distressed Dion from his perils, then overpowering the enemy, forced them to flee. Since likewise in the other part of the wall the Syracusans had the superiority, the tyrant's mercenaries were chased in a body inside the gates of the Island. The Syracusans, who had now won victory in a significant battle and had securely recovered their freedom, set up a trophy to signalize the tyrant's defeat.72

13 1 After this, Dionysius, who had failed and by now despaired of his tyranny, left a considerable garrison in his citadels, while he himself, having secured permission to take up his dead, eight hundred in number, gave their bodies a magnificent burial, causing them to be crowned with golden crowns and wrapped in fine purple; for he hoped by his solicitude for them to incite the survivors to fight spiritedly in defence of the tyranny; and those who had behaved gallantly he honoured with rich gifts. And he kept sending messengers to the Syracusans to confer about terms of a settlement. 2 But Dion in the matter of his embassies, by constantly offering plausible excuses, kept making postponements, and, when he had meanwhile constructed the remainder of the wall at his leisure, he then called for the embassies, having outmanoeuvred73 the enemy by encouraging their hopes of peace. When discussion arose concerning the terms of settlement, Dion replied to the ambassadors that only one settlement was possible, namely that Dionysius should resign his position as tyrant and then deign to accept certain privileges. But Dionysius, p277since Dion's reply had been arrogant, assembled his commanders and began to deliberate on the best means of defending himself against the Syracusans. 3 Having plenty of everything but grain and being in control of the sea, he began to pillage the countryside and, finding it difficult to provide subsistence from his foraging parties, he dispatched merchantmen and money to purchase grain. But the Syracusans, who had many ships of war and kept putting in an appearance at opportune places, made off with many of the supplies which were being brought in by the traders.

This was the situation of affairs in Syracuse.

14 1 In Greece Alexander, tyrant of Pherae, was assassinated by his own wife Thebê and her brothers Lycophron and Tisiphonus.74 The brothers at first received great acclaim as tyrannicides, but later, having changed their purpose and bribed the mercenaries, they disclosed themselves as tyrants, slew many of their opponents, and, having contrived to make their forces imposing, retained the government by force. 2 Now the faction among the Thessalians called Aleuadae, who enjoyed a far-flung reputation by reason of their noble birth, began to oppose the tyrants. But not being of sufficient strength to fight by themselves they took on Philip, the king of the Macedonians, as ally. And he, entering Thessaly, defeated the tyrants and, when he had vindicated the independence of their cities, showed himself very friendly to the Thessalians. p279Wherefore in the course of subsequent events not merely Philip himself but his son Alexander after him had the Thessalians always as confederates.

3 Among historians Demophilus,75 the son of the chronicler Ephorus, who treated in his work the history of what is known as the Sacred War, which had been passed over by his father, began his account with the capture of the shrine at Delphi and the pillaging of the oracle by Philomelus the Phocian. This war lasted eleven years76 until the annihilation of those who had divided amongst themselves the sacred property. 4 And Callisthenes77 wrote the history of the events in the Hellenic world in ten books and closed with the capture of the shrine and the impious act of Philomelus the Phocian. 5 Diyllus78 the Athenian began his history with the pillaging of the shrine and wrote twenty-six books, in which he included all the events which occurred in this period both in Greece and in Sicily.

15 1 When Elpines was archon at Athens the Romans p281elected as consuls Marcus Poplius Laenas and Gnaeus Maemilius Imperiosus,79 and the one hundred sixth celebration was held of the Olympian games, at which Porus80 the Malian won the stadion race. During their term of office, in Italy there gathered in Lucania a multitude of men from every region, a mixture of every sort, but for the most part runaway slaves. These at first led a marauding life and as they habituated themselves to out-of‑door life and making raids they gained practice and training in warfare; consequently, since they regularly had the upper hand with the inhabitants in their battles, they reached a state of considerably increased importance. 2 First they took by siege the city Terina81 and plundered it completely; then, having taken Hipponium, Thurii, and many other cities,82 they formed a common government and were called Bruttians from the fact that most of them were slaves, for in the local dialect runaway slaves were called "bruttians."83

Such, then, was the origin84 of the people of the Bruttians in Italy.

16 1 In Sicily Philistus, Dionysius' general, sailed to Rhegium and transported to Syracuse the cavalry, more than five hundred in number. When he had added to these other cavalry more numerous and two thousand infantry, he made an expedition against p283Leontini, which had revolted from Dionysius, and having succeeded in entering the walls by night captured a portion of the city. A sharp engagement ensued, and the Syracusans came to the aid of the Leontinians, so that he was defeated and was driven out of Leontini. 2 Heracleides, who had been left behind by Dion as commander of his men-of‑war, being hindered by storms in the Peloponnese,85 was too late for Dion's return and the liberation of the Syracusans, but he now came with twenty men-of‑war and fifteen hundred soldiers. Being a man of very great distinction and considered worthy of the position, he was chosen admiral by the Syracusans, and, having been assigned to the supreme command of the armed forces along with Dion, he participated in the war against Dionysius. 3 After this Philistus, who had been appointed general and had fitted out sixty triremes, fought a naval battle with the Syracusans, who had about the same number. As the fight became sharp Philistus at first was superior because of his own gallantry, but later on, when he was intercepted by the enemy, the Syracusans, encircling the ships from all sides, put forth strenuous efforts to capture the general alive, but Philistus, with apprehensions of torture after his capture, slew himself after having performed a great many very important services to the tyrants and having proved himself the most faithful of their friends to the men in power. 4 The Syracusans, after they had won the naval battle, dismembered the body of Philistus, dragged it through the whole city, and cast it forth unburied; and Dionysius, p285who had lost the most efficient of his friends and had no other general of repute, being himself unable to sustain the burden of the war, sent out ambassadors to Dion, first offering him the half of his power, but later consenting to place the whole of it in his hands.

17 1 But when Dion replied that it was only fair to surrender to the Syracusans the acropolis with the reservation of certain property and privileges, Dionysius was ready to surrender the citadel to the people on the condition that he took his mercenaries and his property and went abroad to Italy, and Dion counselled the Syracusans to accept his offer. But the people, persuaded by their inopportune demagogues, refused, believing that they could forcibly make the tyrant surrender by siege. 2 Thereafter Dionysius left the best of his mercenaries to guard the citadel, while he himself, putting his possessions and all his royal paraphernalia on board ship, sailed off secretly and put ashore in Italy. 3 But the Syracusans were divided into two factions, some being of the opinion that they should entrust the generalship and supreme power in the state to Heracleides because it was believed that he would never aim at tyrannical power, and the others declaring that Dion should have the supremacy over the entire government. Furthermore, large sums for wages were due to the Peloponnesian mercenaries who had liberated Syracuse and the city was short of funds, so the mercenaries, deprived of their money, banded together in excess of three thousand, and since all had been selected for meritorious conduct and because of their training in actual warfare were hardened veterans, they were far p287more than a match for the Syracusans in valour. 4 As for Dion, when he was asked by the mercenaries to join their revolt and to take vengeance upon the Syracusans as a common enemy, he at first refused, but later, upon compulsion of the critical circumstances, he accepted the command of the mercenaries, and with them marched off to Leontini. 5 The Syracusans in a body set out to pursue the mercenaries, and, having engaged them on the way and lost many men,86 retreated. Dion, who had defeated them in a brilliant battle, harboured no grudge toward the Syracusans, for when they sent him a herald to arrange for the removal of the dead he granted them permission and set free without ransom the captives, who were numerous. For many who were on the point of being slain in their flight declared that they were on Dion's side and all for this reason escaped death.87

18 1 After this Dionysius dispatched to Syracuse as general Nypsius88 the Neapolitan, a man who excelled in valour and in sagacity of generalship; and with him he sent merchantmen laden with grain and other supplies. Nypsius then set sail from Locri and completed the voyage to Syracuse. 2 The tyrant's mercenaries, stationed on the acropolis, as their supply of grain failed at this time, were in dire distress for want of supplies, but for a time endured in good spirits their lack of food; then, when human nature succumbed to p289necessity and they despaired of saving their lives, they came together in an assembly at night and voted to surrender the citadel and themselves to the Syracusans at dawn. 3 Night was just drawing to a close as the mercenaries sent heralds to the Syracusans to make terms, but, as dawn was just breaking, Nypsius sailed in with his fleet and anchored off Arethusa.89 Consequently, now that scarcity had suddenly changed into a great abundance of supplies, the general Nypsius, after disembarking his soldiers, held a joint assembly, presented arguments suitable to the occasion and won the support of the men to meet the perils in store. Now the acropolis which was already on the point of being given over to the Syracusans was unexpectedly preserved in the aforesaid manner, 4 but the Syracusans, manning all their triremes, sailed against the enemy while they were still occupied in unloading the supplies. Since the attack was unexpected and the mercenaries in the citadel could only be drawn up in confused fashion against the enemy triremes, a naval battle took place in which the Syracusans had the superiority, in fact they sank some of the ships, gained possession of others, and pursued the remnant to the shore. 5 Elated by their success they offered magnificent sacrifice to the gods in honour of the victory, and, turning to banqueting and drink, with contempt for the men they had defeated, were negligent about their guards.

19 1 Nypsius, the commander of the mercenaries, wishing to renew the battle and retrieve the defeat, with his army which had been marshalled during the p291night unexpectedly attacked the wall which had been constructed. And, finding that the guards through contempt and drunkenness had betaken themselves to sleep, he placed against it the ladders that had been constructed in case they were needed. 2 The bravest of the mercenaries climbed on the wall with these, slaughtered the guards, and opened the gates. As the men poured into the city, the generals of the Syracusans, becoming sober after their drunkenness, tried to bring aid, but, their efforts being hampered by the wine, some were slain and some fled. When the city had been captured and almost all the soldiers from the citadel had rushed inside the circuit-walls, since the Syracusans were panic-stricken by the suddenness and confusion of the attack, a great slaughter took place. 3 The soldiers of the tyrant numbered more than ten thousand and their lines were so well marshalled that no one was able to withstand their sheer weight, inasmuch as the din and disorder and, furthermore, the lack of a commander, impeded the Syracusans in their hour of defeat. 4 Once the market-place had come into possession of the enemy, the victors straightway attacked the residences. They carried off much property and took off as slaves many women and children and household servants besides. Where the Syracusans formed to meet them in narrow alleys and other streets, continuous engagements occurred and many were killed and not a few wounded. So they passed the night slaying one another at random in the darkness, and every quarter teemed with dead.

p293 20 1 At daybreak the magnitude of the disaster was seen in its entirety, and the Syracusans, whose one hope of survival lay in help from Dion, sent horsemen to Leontini begging Dion not to suffer his native city to be captured by the spear point of the enemy, to forgive them the mistakes they had made, and in pity for their present misfortunes to come and retrieve his country's disaster. 2 Dion, a man noble in spirit and civilized in his judgements because of his philosophical training, did not bear a grudge against his fellow citizens, but, after winning the mercenaries over, straightway set out and, having quickly traversed the road to Syracuse, arrived at the Hexapyla.90 3 After drawing up his soldiers at that point he advanced with all speed and encountered, fleeing from the city, children, women, and old men in excess of ten thousand. All of these as they met him besought him with tears to avenge their own misfortunes. The mercenaries from the citadel, having already obtained their objective, after plundering the houses by the market-place set them on fire and now, attacking the remaining residences, were in the act of plundering the possessions in these. 4 At this very moment Dion, rushing into the city in several places and attacking the enemy as they were busily engaged in their looting, slew all whom he met as they were lugging furnishings of various sorts off on their shoulders. And because of the unexpectedness of his appearance and the disorder and confusion, all of those who were making off with their plunder were easily overpowered. And finally, after more than four thousand had been slain, some in the houses, and others in the streets, the rest fled in a p295body to the citadel and closing the gates escaped the danger.

5 Dion, having accomplished the finest of all the deeds ever performed by him, preserved the burning houses by extinguishing the flames, and, by restoring to good condition the circuit-wall, at one stroke fortified the city and by walling off the foe blocked their egress to the mainland.91 When he had cleansed the city of the dead and had erected a trophy of victory, he offered sacrifices to the gods for the deliverance of the city. 6 An assembly was summoned, and the people, as an expression of their gratitude to him, elected Dion general with absolute power and accorded him honours suited to a hero, and Dion in harmony with his former conduct generously absolved all his personal enemies of the charges outstanding against them and having reassured the populace brought them to a state of general harmony. The Syracusans with universal praises and with elaborate testimonials of approval honoured their benefactor as the one and only saviour of their native land.92

Such was the condition of affairs in Sicily.

The Loeb Editor's Notes:

1 In Book 1.3 Diodorus sets forth his design for the History. Inasmuch as it is a "universal history," the fortunes of a single man, e.g. Philip, might well be spread over a considerable compass, since the author pursues the chronological order. The fortunes of Philip have a particular advantage, in that Diodorus can deal with them compactly — he says here in a single book — and still maintain his chronological plan.

2 The events in this chapter are taken up in the later narrative where proper annotations will appear.

3 This defeat occurs on two occasions according to Diodorus, at the beginning of his reign (Book 14.92.3‑4) and again about 383 (Book 15.19.2). Beloch, Griechische Geschichte2 thinks the first mention erroneous.

4 Since Philip was born about 383 he was an infant when given to the Illyrians. Justin (7.5.1) states that he was ransomed by Alexander II and later sent by him as hostage to Thebes. Diodorus likewise has Alexander send him to Thebes (Book 15.67.4) as does Plutarch (Pelopidas, 26.4). Modern historians, e.g. Beloch (op. cit. 3.1.182, note), Glotz (Hist. gr. 3.227), and the author of the article on Philip in P.‑W. Realencyclopädie, 19.2266) agree that Ptolemy of Alorus, paramour and later husband of Eurydicê, widow of Amyntas III, was the monarch who sent Philip to Thebes, basing their account on Aeschines (False Embassy, 26 ff.), who places Philip at the court of Ptolemy when he succeeded Alexander II (369). Philip was probably in Thebes 368‑365. His adoption of the "oblique order of battle" from Epameinondas is probably the most striking result of his sojourn in Thebes (see Wilcken, Alexander the Great, translated by G. C. Richards, 30).

5 Lysis of Tarentum (see Nepos, Epaminondas, 2.2). But Wesseling quotes Plutarch, De Genio Socratis, 584B, to show that Lysis died shortly before the deliverance of Thebes. For the education of Epameinondas see Book 15.39.2. According to Plutarch (Pelopidas, 26.5), Philip was a hostage in the house of Pammenes (see Books 15.94.2 and 16.34.1‑2) and not in the house of Epameinondas' father, whose name was Polymnus (Nepos, op. cit. 1.1). Certainly Epameinondas had passed his student days when Philip was a hostage, since he had already won the battle of Leuctra.

6 See Book 15.60.3.

7 See Book 15.71.1.

8 See Book 15.77.5.

9 Bardylis was the name of their formidable king (Pickard-Cambridge, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.205).

10 He was only ἐπίτροπος, regent, for Perdiccas' son Amyntas III (P.‑W. Realencyclopädie, 19.2266‑2267). Under Perdiccas, after his return from Thebes, he had administered a district of Macedonia. (See Pickard-Cambridge, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.204).

11 See Aeschines, False Embassy, 26‑27. He had striven for the crown at the death of Alexander II. (See F. Geyer, Makedonien bis zur Thronsbesteigung Philipps II, Beiheft 19 der Historischen Zeitschrift, 1930, 132.)

12 Berisades (?), Beloch, Griechische Geschichte2, 3.1.225, note 1.

13 See Book 14.92.4 and Beloch, l.c., also p102. Also Geyer, op. cit. 139.

14 For the reorganization of the Macedonian army see pIckard-Cambridge, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.205. The addition of foot-soldiers to form the famous "Phalanx" and the provision of a long pike, sarissa, were the most important military reforms. See also Wilcken, Alexander the Great (trans.), 31‑32.

15 See Homer, Iliad, 13.131 ff.

"Spear crowded spear,

Shield, helmet, man press'd helmet, man and shield;

The hairy crests of their resplendent casques

Kiss'd close at every nod, so wedged they stood."

(Cowper's translation.)

These lines are quoted of the phalanx by Polybius, 18.28.6 and Curtius Rufus, 3.2.13.

16 Amphipolis was coveted by the Athenians (who had lost it to Brasidas in the Peloponnesian War) because of its commanding position by the Strymon River, giving access to the plains of Macedonia, and its nearness to forests needed in shipbuilding and to the gold and silver mines of Mt. Pangaeus. Between this occasion when Amphipolis was declared autonomous to thwart Argaeus, who had promised to hand it over to Athens if they made him king, and Philip's capture of the town (see chap. 8.2. ff.), a secret treaty was made by which Philip promised to procure Amphipolis for Athens if he were assured of a free hand in Pydna, formerly Macedonian but then in the Athenian League. See Beloch, Griechische Geschichte2, 3.1.225‑226; Pickard-Cambridge, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.203‑204. Compare Polyaenus, 4.2.17; Justin, 7.6; Demosthenes, 23.121; 2.6 f.; and Theopompus, fr. 165 (Oxford).

17 The Thracian king mentioned chap. 2.6.

18 See chap. 2.6. Methonê is above Pydna near the Macedonian border.

19 Old capital of Macedonia, considerably inland.

20 Some of these were Athenians whose losses he made good and through whom he tried to arrange an alliance with Athens. See Demosthenes, 23.121.

21 North-east of Mt. Pangaeus in Thrace. "Philippi is a city that was formerly called Datus, and before that Crenides, because there are many springs bubbling around a hill there. Philip fortified it because he considered it an excellent stronghold against the Thracians, and named it from himself, Philippi." Appian, Civil Wars, 4.105, translated by White (L. C. L.). Datus was the older name found in Herodotus, 9.75. Κρηνίδες is found in IG, 22.127 of the year 356/5. This seems to be the first instance of the practice, later so common, of naming cities for a king.

22 Of this work, the longest history published till then, two hundred seventeen fragments remain. Theopompus' admiration for Philip is reflected by Diodorus, who must have relied heavily on his account. For the contents of the Philippica see Beloch, Griechische Geschichte2, 3.2.18‑24.

23 See note on chap. 3.3.

24 For the power of this king see chap. 2.5.

25 See chap. 8.1; Justin, 7.6.7 and Frontinus, Strategemata, 2.3.2. Beloch has a critical account of this battle, which he places near Monastir, in Griechische Geschichte2, 3.1.226, note 2. He believes that the plan of battle was Parmenio's.

26 For the succession of Dionysius II see Book 15.74.5.

27 For the character of Dionysius II see Plutarch, Dion, 7.3‑4 and Hackforth, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.272‑273.

28 The cessation of activities against Carthage is noted in Book 15.73.4.

29 No mention is made previously of this war with the Lucanians. In Book 14.100.5 Dionysius I is said to have made an alliance with the Lucanians and his policy of supporting them against the Italiot Greeks is clearly shown in chapter 101 of that Book. This seems to be the war mentioned in Plutarch, Dion, 16.3 and Plato, Epistles, 3.317A. For this war, see Costanzi, "De bello Lucanico quod Dionysius minor recens ab imperio composuerit," Rivista di Filologia, 26 (1898), 450 ff.

30 This phrase is found in chap. 70.2, in Plutarch, Dion7.3 and 10.3, and in Aelian, Varia Historia, 6.12.

31 According to Plutarch, Dion, 14.5, Dion was placed on a boat by Dionysius and sent to Italy (Nepos says to Corinth, Dion, 3 f.). This must have happened considerably earlier as Plato (Epistles, 7.329C) says that it happened three months after his arrival in 367. Diodorus has evidently compressed the earlier details into this year.

32 For the association of Plato and Dion see Plato, Epistles, 7.327A; Anth. Pal. 7.99 (L. C. L. 2.60).

33 Corinth was probably selected, not only because of its favourable location, but because it was the mother-city of Syracuse and very possibly favoured the oligarchy Dion planned to set up (see Plutarch, Dion, 53).

34 Dion spent about ten years in Greece, 366‑357 (Hackforth, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.275), in close touch with the Academy. For preparations see Nepos, Dion, 5.

35 Diodorus says 1000 (chap. 9.5), to which if 1500 under Heracleides (chap. 16.2) are added the number 3000 is approximated (chap. 17.3 and Anaximenes, De Rhetorica ad Alexandrum, 8.3.1429B). For other details of the expedition see Plutarch, Dion, 22‑24. For a circumstantial account see Beloch, Griechische Geschichte2, 3.1.257 and note 3, followed by Hackforth, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.277.

36 See chap. 68.8 and Plutarch, Timoleon, 10.4.

37 For a different story see Book 14.59.2. Naxos (three miles from Tauromenium) was destroyed by Dionysius in 403 (Book 14.15.2) and its territory assigned to neighbouring Siculi (ibid. 3). These occupied the hill of Taurus to the north of Naxos and gave it the name Tauromenium. The Siculi in 394 warded off a surprise winter attack of Dionysius (Book 14.87‑88). By the peace of 392 Dionysius regained Tauromenium, expelled the Siculi, and settled his mercenaries on the spot (Book 14.96.4). Probably this present settlement by Andromachus is to be regarded as a new foundation. See Wesseling's note on Book 14.59.

38 Since Tauromenium had been a stronghold of Sextus Pompey, Augustus, as a precautionary measure and because of its strong position commanding the coast road between Syracuse and Messenê, expelled the former inhabitants to make room for new colonists. It may have been one of the Sicilian cities colonized by Augustus in Dio Cassius, 54.7.1 (21 B.C.).

39 Diodorus has placed the Euboean war wrongly in the archonship of Cephisodotus (358/7). The war lasted only thirty days according to Aeschines, In Ctesiphonta, 85 and occurred under Agathocles (357/6). Diocles was the Athenian commander (Demosthenes, 21.174) and he was general in 357/6 (Dittenberger, Syllogê, 13.190.23 and note 9). The treaty of peace is also dated under the archonship of Agathocles (ibid. 20 = IG, 22.124). That the Social War had already begun is proved by the intentional erasure of Chabrias' (chap. 7.3) name from this inscription, He was no longer general when the treaty was signed since he had fallen at Chios. For discussion see Beloch, Griechische Geschichte2, 3.2.258 and 3.1.238, note 2.

40 Again Diodorus is wrong in the dating of the Social War. The war opened with the attack on Chios in which Chabrias fell. For reasons given in the preceding note this must be the year 357/6. Diodorus (chap. 22.2) closes the war in the year of Elpines, 356/5, after it has lasted "four" years. Dionysius (De Lysia Iudicium, 12, p480) placed Social War in the years of Agathocles and Elpines (357/6 and 356/5), which seems to be the correct dating. For discussion see Beloch, Griechische Geschichte2, 32.260‑262.

41 Mausolus was the prime instigator of the Social War (see Demosthenes, 15.3). Yet Byzantium, Rhodes, and Chios had joined forces previously when stirred up by Epameinondas (see Book 15.79.1).

42 See Nepos, Chabrias, 4; Plutarch, Phocion, 6.1; Demosthenes, 20.80 ff.

43 See chap. 4.

44 Western border of Macedonia by Lyncestis and Orestis.

45 See chap. 3.3 and explanatory note; also 4.1.

46 See Wilcken, Alexander, 33.

47 A good account of Philip's seizures of Amphipolis, Pydna, Potidaea, and Crenides is found in Pickard-Cambridge, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.207‑208. This account omits, as does Diodorus, Athens' declaration of war on Philip's retention of Amphipolis, which is attested by Isocrates, Philip, 2; Aeschines, False Embassy, 21, 70, 72, Against Ctesiphon, 54; and IG, 22.127 (πόλεμος πρὸς Φίλιππον) of the year 356. For Amphipolis see also note on chap. 3.3; Theopompus, fr. 43 (Oxford); Demosthenes, 1.8; 2.6; 7.27‑28; and on the exiles also Dittenberger, Syllogê, 13.194.

48 For Pydna see Demosthenes, 20.63; 1.5.

49 For the alliance between Philip and Olynthus see Demosthenes, 23.108; 2.14; 6.20; also Robinson, Transactions of the American Philological Association, 65 (1934), 103‑122.

50 On Crenides see chap. 3.7 and note.

51 Worth about $6.25. According to Seltman, Greek Coins, 200‑201, the issue of Philippi bore the name of the town Φιλιππων (see Plate XLVI 7) and only after 348 began the issue of Philippeioi. See also West, "The Early Diplomacy of Philip II of Macedon Illustrated by his Coins," Numismatic Chronicle, 3 (1923), 169 ff.

52 Confirmed by Plutarch, Dion, 25.1. The port was Heracleia Minoa, halfway between Acragas and Selinus (see infra, § 4).

53 Confirmed by chap. 70.3; Plutarch, Dion, 14.2; Aelian, Varia Historia, 6.12. Nepos, Dion, 5.3 gives "quingentis longis navibus."

54 Of Ortygia and Epipolae, the work of Dionysius I. See Book 14.7.1‑3, 5; and Book 14.18 for these and other constructions.

55 For this myth see Book 4.77‑79. There is no mention of "founding" Minoa in chap. 79.

56 Plutarch, Dion, 25‑26.3, gives a more detailed account of Dion's voyage and his landing at Minoa. Synalus (ibid. 25.12)º is the name given to the Carthaginian commander, Dion's friend. It is very possible that Carthage favoured Dion's project since it gave every indication of weakening the military power of Syracuse (see Beloch, Griechische Geschichte2, 3.1.258).

57 These seem to be the mercenaries he had brought, not new ones (see chap. 6.5).

58 See the account in Plutarch, Dion, 26‑27 and Hackforth, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.278.

59 That Dionysius was in Italy is attested by Plutarch, Dion, 26.1 and Nepos, Dion, 5.4. If Plutarch is correct in placing him at Caulonia (ibid. 26.4) as Diodorus does in chap. 11.3, he could not have been by the Adriatic. Caulonia, on east coast of Bruttium, was destroyed by Dionysius the Elder in 389 B.C., its inhabitants removed to Syracuse, and in this territory given to the Locrians for settlement (see Book 14.106.3). In this sense it might be called a new foundation.

60 See chap. 6.5.

61 See chap. 6.4.

62 See the interpretation of this manoeuvre by Hackforth, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.279.

63 See Plutarch's account in Dion, 28‑29. Achradina (ibid 29.1) is an extension of the city, covering the eastern part of the plateau of Epipolae.

64 See Plutarch, Dion, 27.3, who says five thousand, which is undoubtedly too low an estimate as Diodorus' is too high. See Hackforth, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.278.

65 Twenty-five is the number given by Plutarch, Dion, 22.4.

66 ὥσπερ ἱεράν τινα καὶ θεοπρεπῆ πομπήν (Plutarch, Dion, 28.3) and προστρεπομένων ὥσπερ θεὸν κατευχαῖς (ibid. 29.1).

67 Forty-eight in Plutarch, Dion, 28.3, 405‑357 B.C.

68 See chap. 10.2 and note.

69 This is the historian (see Book 15.89.3 and 94.4) who aided Dionysius the Elder to secure his tyranny (Book 13.91.4), was driven into exile by him and presently recalled (Book 15.7.3‑4).

70 See Plutarch, Dion, 30.1‑3.

71 The island of Ortygia, which is actually attached to the mainland, stretches south, leaving a narrow passage of twelve hundred yards as the mouth of the Great Harbour between itself and Plemmyrium. Ortygia had been strongly fortified by Dionysius the Elder.

72 For this battle see Plutarch, Dion, 30.4‑8.

73 Diodorus alone mentions ruses of Dion. Plutarch (Dion, 31‑32.1) and Polyaenus (5.28) note only those of Dionysius.

74 Diodorus has this event one year too late. It should be 358/7, counting eleven years from Book 15.61.2 (see Beloch, Griechische Geschichte2, 3.2.83‑84). For the story see Xenophon, Hell. 6.4.35 ff.; Plutarch, Pelopidas, 35; Cicero, De Officiis, 2.7.25; Valerius Maximus, 9.13, ext. 3. Peitholaüs, the third brother, here omitted, is mentioned chap. 37.3.

75 From chap. 76.5 we learn that the work of Ephorus was in thirty books and that it closed with the capture of Perinthus. What Demophilus probably wrote was book 30, since books 28 and 29 (fr. 149‑150) contained the history of the West and book 27 (fr. 148) contained the early years of Philip's reign. See Beloch, Griechische Geschichte2, 3.2.25 and Athenaeus, 6.232D.

76 Compare for the beginning and end chaps. 23.1 (355/4) and 59.1 (346/5). The Sacred War is accorded ten years by Aeschines (2.131; 3.148); Pausanias (9.6.4); was said to be closed in the tenth year by Duris (fr. 2); Pausanias (10.3.1).

77 Of Olynthus, the nephew and pupil of Aristotle. He wrote the history of the Sacred War probably as a sequel to his Hellenica (see Book 14.117.8). Cp. Beloch, Griechische Geschichte2, 3.2.25 and 12. He was war reporter to Alexander.

78 Much uncertainty reigns as to the number and arrangement of the books of his history. The usual reading of the editors here, 27, conflicts with 26 in Book 21.5. Beloch (op. cit. 3.2.26) believes 27 in this passage correct and 26 in Book 21.5 a scribal error. Rühl in Neue Jahrbücher für Philologie, 137 (1888), 123 ff. thinks Diyllus wrote a history in three parts, συντάξεις of 27 books, nine in each part, beginning with the Sacred War and ending with the death of Cassander.

79 These names appear in Livy, 7.12.1 as Marcus Popilius Laenas and Gnaeus Manlius.

80 Cp. chap. 2.1.

81 A city on the west coast of Bruttian peninsula probably founded by Croton.

82 Sybaris on the Traïs is mentioned in Book 12.22.1.

83 Perhaps Oscan. Yet other legends have Brettos (Stephanus of Byzantium, Βρέττος), son of Heracles and Valentia, as eponymous hero, and still others Brettia (Justin, 23.1.12), as eponymous heroine. But the term Brettios is older than the date of this passage (see Aristophanes, fr. 629 Kock).

84 See Justin, 23.1.3‑14; Strabo, 6.1.4.

85 See chap. 6.5.

86 Cp. Plutarch, Dion, 39.3: "with the loss of a few men."

87 Compare the narrative of chaps. 16‑17 with Plutarch, Dion, 32‑39.

88 That Nypsius was from Campanian Neapolis is proved by his Oscan name (properly written Νύμψιος as on the inscription from Lacco on Ischia, IG, 14.894). See Beloch, Griechische Geschichte2, 3.1.260, note 1.

89 A fountain on the island of Ortygia on the slope toward the Great Harbour.

90 Entrance on the north to Tycha, a populous quarter of the city.

91 The enemy, in the citadel on the Island, were prevented by the walls from crossing to the main part of the city on Achradina.

92 Compare the narrative of chaps. 18‑20 with Plutarch, Dion, 41‑48.

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