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This webpage reproduces a portion of
The Library of History

Diodorus Siculus

published in Vol. XI
of the Loeb Classical Library edition, 1957

The text is in the public domain.

This page has been carefully proofread
and I believe it to be free of errors.
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Book XXX

(Vol. XI) Diodorus Siculus
Library of History

 p247  Fragments of Book XXIX

1 1 Delium was a sanctuary, not far distant from Chalcis. . . .1 Because he had thus begun the war against Rome with an act of sacrilege the king was vilified by the Greeks . . . and Flamininus, who was then at Corinth, called upon all men and gods to bear him witness that the first act of aggression in the war had been committed by the king.

2 1 Antiochus established his winter quarters at Demetrias. Being now more than fifty years old, he neglected to make preparations for the war, but having fallen in love with a beautiful maiden, whiled away the time in celebrating his marriage to her, and held brilliant assemblies and festivals.2 By this behaviour he not only ruined himself, body and mind, but also demoralized his army. Indeed, his soldiers, after passing the whole winter in ease and soft living, acquitted themselves poorly when confronted with scarcity,3 being unable to endure thirst or other  p249 hardships. In consequence, some would fall ill, and others, straggling on the march, became widely separated from their formations.

3 1 King Antiochus, learning that the cities of Thessaly had gone over to the Romans, that his Asiatic forces were slow in arriving, and that the Aetolians were negligent and full of excuses, was deeply distressed. He was, in consequence, angry with those who, on the strength of the Aetolian alliance, had induced him to embark upon a war for which he was not prepared; for Hannibal, however, who had held the contrary opinion, he was now filled with admiration, and pinned all his hopes upon him. Whereas previously he had been disposed to regard him with suspicion, he now looked upon Hannibal as a most trustworthy friend and followed his advice in all matters.4

4 1 As to the Aetolians, from whom an embassy had come to discuss terms of peace, the senate decided that they must either place themselves at the discretion5 of the Romans, or pay Rome at once a thousand talents of silver. The Aetolians, who because of the severity of the reply refused to accede to these demands, were thoroughly alarmed and found themselves in grave danger; for their zealous support of the king6 had plunged them into hopeless difficulties, and there was no way out of their troubles.

 p251  5 1 Humbled by his defeat7 Antiochus decided to withdraw from Europe and to concentrate on the defence of Asia. He ordered the inhabitants of Lysimacheia to abandon their city one and all, and find residence in the cities of Asia. It was the universal opinion that this was a foolish plan, and that he had thereby abandoned to the enemy without a struggle a city most conveniently situated to prevent them from bringing their forces over from Europe into Asia. The sequel of events fully confirmed this judgement, since Scipio,8 on finding the city deserted, gained a gratuitous success by occupying it.

6 1 In warfare a ready supply of money is needed, as the familiar proverb has it, the sister9 of success, since he who is well provided with money never lacks men able to fight. So, for example, the Carthaginians recently brought the Romans to the brink of disaster, yet it was not with an army of citizens that they won their victories in those great engagements, but by the great number of their mercenary soldiers. An abundance of foreign troops is, in fact, very advantageous to the side that employs them, and very formidable to the enemy, inasmuch as the employers bring together at trifling cost men to do battle in their behalf, while citizen soldiers, even if victorious, are nevertheless promptly faced with a fresh crop of opponents. In the case of citizen armies, a single  p253 defeat spells complete disaster, but in the case of mercenaries, however many times they suffer defeat, none the less the employers maintain their forces intact as long as their money lasts. It is not, however, the custom of the Romans to employ mercenaries, nor have they sufficient resources.

2 As a general rule soldiers follow the example set by their commanders.

3 Antiochus, having swiftly reaped the reward of his own folly, learned at the cost of great misfortunes not to let success turn his head.

7 1 Antiochus, on learning that the Romans had crossed to Asia, sent Heracleides of Byzantium to the consul to sue for peace,10 offering to pay half the costs of the war, and also to give up the cities of Lampsacus, Smyrna, and Alexandria,11 which had, it was thought, been responsible for bringing on the conflict. Of the Greek cities in Asia these were, in fact, the first to dispatch embassies to the senate, invoking its aid in behalf of their independence.

8 1 Antiochus, in addition, offered Publius Scipio, the senior member of the senate, the return of his son without ransom (he had taken him prisoner during his stay on Euboea),12 and a large sum of money as well, if only he would give his support to the proposed peace. Scipio replied that he would be grateful to the king for the release of his son, but that there was no need of "a large sum of money"  p255 besides; in return for this kindness, however, he advised Antiochus not to engage the Romans in battle now that he had had a sample of their prowess. Antiochus, however, finding the Roman unjustifiably harsh, rejected his counter-proposal.

2 With an eye to the surprises of Fortune Antiochus deemed it advantageous to release Scipio's son, and accordingly decked him out in rich array and sent him back.13

Chap. 9: see below, after Chap. 10.

10 1 Antiochus,14 abandoning the conflict in despair, dispatched an embassy to the consul, requesting pardon for his errors and the granting of peace on whatever terms possible. The consul, adhering to the traditional Roman policy of fair dealing, and moved by the appeals of his brother Publius, granted peace on the following terms: the king must withdraw, in favour of the Romans, from Europe and from the territory15 on this side Taurus and the cities and nations included therein; he must surrender his elephants and warships, and pay in full the expenses incurred in the war, which were assessed at 5,000 Euboean talents; and he must deliver up Hannibal the Carthaginian, Thoas the Aetolian, and certain others, together with twenty hostages to be designated by the Romans. In his desire for peace Antiochus  p257 accepted all the conditions and brought the fighting to a close.

9 1 At Rome, before the defeat of Antiochus,16 the envoys from Aetolia, on being brought before the senate, said not a word of their own shortcomings, but spoke at length of their service to Rome. A member of the senate thereupon arose and asked the envoys whether or not the Aetolians were willing to put themselves in the hands of the Roman people. When the envoys made no reply, the senate, assuming that the Aetolians still had their hopes pinned on Antiochus, sent them empty-handed back to Greece.

Chap. 10: see above, after Chap. 8.

11 1 After the defeat of Antiochus envoys presented themselves from all the cities and principalities of Asia, some suing for independence, others for a return for their good services to Rome in the common struggle against Antiochus. The senate intimated to one and all that they had good reason to hope, and announced the dispatch of ten legates to Asia, who together with the generals in the field were to settle all matters. The envoys returned to their homes, and the ten legates, after first meeting in consultation with Scipio and Aemilius17 decided and proclaimed that the territory this side Taurus, and the elephants,  p259 were to belong to Eumenes; Caria and Lycia they added to the domain of Rhodes; the cities that had previously paid tribute to Eumenes18 were to be subject to Eumenes, and any that still paid tribute to Antiochus were relieved of all obligations.

12 1 Gnaeus Manlius,19 the proconsul, when approached by envoys from the Galatians seeking an end to hostilities, replied that he would make a treaty of peace with them only when their kings appeared before him in person.

13 1 Manlius proceeded to Lycaonia and received from Antiochus the grain that was due and the annual payment of a thousand talents stipulated in the agreement.20

14 1 Marcus Furius,21 who while praetor violated the rights of the Ligurian allies, met with fitting punishment. For coming among the Cenomani, ostensibly as a friend, and without having grounds for complaint against them, he deprived them of their arms. The consul,22 however, learning of the incident, restored the arms and imposed a fine on Marcus.

15 1 Antiochus, pressed for funds and hearing that the temple of Bel in Elymaïs had a large store of silver and gold, derived from the dedications, resolved to pillage it. He proceeded to Elymaïs and after  p261 accusing the inhabitants of initiating hostilities, pillaged the temple; but though he amassed much wealth he speedily received meet punishment from the gods.23

16 1 Philip upbraided the Thessalians for reviling their former masters now that by the favour of Rome they had unexpectedly gained their freedom. They were not aware, he said, that the Macedonian sun had not yet altogether set. This sally led those who heard it to suspect that Philip intended to make war on Rome, and the commissioners,24 in a rage, decreed that Philip should be allowed to hold no city save those in Macedonia.

17 1 As regards Peloponnesian affairs,25 the Achaean League having convened in general assembly, the Roman envoys were introduced. They stated that the senate was displeased at the dismantling of the Lacedaemonian fortifications, an act that the Achaean League had carried out when it gained control of Sparta and enrolled the Lacedaemonians in the League. Next the envoys of Eumenes were introduced, who brought with them a gift of twenty talents, out of which the king thought payment should be made to the members of the Achaean assembly. The Achaeans, however, rejecting an offer of money  p263 as unbecoming, refused to accept the gift. Envoys also came from Seleucus,26 seeking to renew the alliance that the Achaeans had had with King Antiochus. The assembly renewed the alliance and accepted his gift.

18 1 Philopoemen,27 the general of the Achaean League, was a man of outstanding attainments, intellectual, military, and moral alike, and his lifelong political career was irreproachable throughout. Time and again he was preferred to the office of general, and for forty years he guided the affairs of state. More than anyone else he advanced the general welfare of the Achaean confederacy, for he not only made it his policy to treat the common man kindly, but also by force of character won the esteem of the Romans. Yet in the final scene of life he found Fortune unkind. After his death, however, as if by some divine Providence he obtained honours equal to those paid the gods, in compensation for the misfortunes that attended his demise. In addition to the decrees in his honour voted by the Achaeans jointly, his native city set up an altar, (instituted) an annual sacrifice to him, and appointed hymns and praises of his exploits to be sung by the young men of the city.28

19 1 Hannibal, who stands first among all Carthaginians  p265 in strategic skill and in the magnitude of his achievements, never at any time experienced disaffection among his troops; on the contrary his wise foresight enabled him to maintain in concord and harmony elements that were divided by the wide variety of tongues spoken. Likewise, though it is the common practice of alien troops to desert to the enemy on slight provocation, under his command no one ventured to do this. He always maintained a large army, yet never ran short of money or provisions. Most extraordinary of all, the aliens who served with him did not fall short of the citizens in their affection for him, but even far surpassed them. Naturally, therefore, his good control of his troops produced good results. Engaging in war the strongest military power in the world, he ravaged Italy for some seventeen years and remained undefeated in all his battles. So many and great were the actions in which he defeated the rulers of the world, that the casualties inflicted by him prevented anyone from being bold enough ever to face him in open battle. Many were the cities that he captured and put to the torch, and though the peoples of Italy were outstanding in numbers, he made them know a dearth of men. These world-renowned exploits he achieved at public expense, to be sure, yet with forces that were a miscellaneous collection of mercenaries and allies; and though his opponents, by virtue of sharing a common language, were hard to withstand, his personal shrewdness and his capacity as a general gave him  p267 success against them. All may read the lesson that the commander is to an army what the mind is to the body and is responsible for its success.

20 1 Scipio, while still a very young man, handled affairs in Spain surprisingly well and vanquished the Carthaginians; and he rescued his country, which was then in dire jeopardy. For that Hannibal, whom no one had ever defeated, he forced by artful planning, without battle or risk, to withdraw from Italy. And in the end, by the use of a bold strategy he overcame the hitherto unconquered Hannibal in pitched battle, and thus brought Carthage to her knees.

21 1 Because of his great achievements Scipio wielded more influence than seemed compatible with the dignity of the state. Once, for example, being charged with an offence punishable by a painful death,29 he said only, when it was his turn to speak, that it ill behooved Romans to cast a vote against the man to whom his very accusers owed their enjoyment of the right to speak freely. At these words the whole populace, shamed by the force of his remark, left the meeting at once, and his accuser, deserted and alone, returned home discredited. On another occasion, at a meeting of the senate, when funds were needed and the quaestor refused to open the treasury, Scipio took over the keys to do it himself, saying that it was thanks to him that the  p269 quaestors were in fact able to lock it. On still another occasion, when some in the senate demanded from him an accounting of the monies he had received to maintain his troops, he acknowledged that he had the account but refused to render it, on the ground that he ought not to be subjected to scrutiny on the same basis as the others. When his accuser pressed the demand, he sent to his brother, had the book brought into the senate chamber, and after tearing it to bits bade his accuser add up the reckoning from the pieces. Then, turning to the other senators, he asked why they demanded an account of the three thousand talents that had been expended, but did not demand an account of the ten thousand five hundred30 talents that they were receiving from Antiochus, and did not even consider how they came to be masters, almost in an instant, of Spain, Libya, and Asia too. He said no more, but the authority that went with his plain speaking silenced both his accuser and the rest of the senate.

Chaps. 22‑27: see below, after Chap. 29.

28 1 The city of the Cemeletae, a nest of brigands and fugitives, accepted the challenge of Rome.31 They dispatched envoys to Fulvius, demanding in  p271 the name of each of the men who had been killed a cloak, a dagger, and a horse; failing this, they threatened war to the finish. Fulvius, on encountering the delegation, bade them spare their pains: he would himself proceed against their city and be there before their expedition could set out. Wishing to make good his word, he straightway broke camp and marched against the barbarians, following close on the heels of the envoys.

29 1 King Ptolemy,32 being asked by one of his courtiers why he neglected Coelê Syria though it was rightfully his, replied that he was giving good heed to the matter. When the friend continued and asked where he would find sufficient money for the campaign, the king pointed to his friends and said: "There, walking about, are my money-bags."

Chap. 30: see below, after Chap. 27.

22 1 On the arrival at Rome of the Asiatic princes who had been sent as envoys, Attalus and his entourage33 received a warm welcome: they were met and escorted into the city in style, presented with rich gifts, and shown every courtesy. These princes were, indeed, steadfast friends of Rome, and since they were in all things submissive to the senate, and were, moreover, most generous and hospitable to such Romans as visited their kingdom, they were granted the finest possible reception. For their sake  p273 the senate gave audience to all the envoys, and showing the greatest concern to please Eumenes, returned them a favourable response, announcing that a senatorial commission would be sent out that would settle at all costs the conflict with Pharnaces.

23 1 Leocritus, the general of Pharnaces, by constant assaults at last forced the mercenaries in Tius34 to surrender the city and, under terms of a truce that assured them safe conduct, to leave under escort. These mercenaries, who were now quitting the city in accordance with the agreement, had in times past wronged Pharnaces; and Leocritus, who had orders from Pharnaces to put them all to death, now violated the truce, and on their departure from Tius set upon them on the way and shot them down one and all with darts.

24 1 Seleucus, leading an army of considerable size, advanced as if intending to cross the Taurus in support of Pharnaces;35 but on taking note of the treaty that his father had made with the Romans, the terms of which forbade . . .

25 1 Those who perpetrated this crime and murdered Demetrius did not escape the avenging punishment of divine justice. On the contrary, the men36 who had fabricated the false accusations and brought them from Rome soon after fell foul of the king and were put to death. Philip himself for the remainder  p275 of his life was haunted by dreams and by terrors of a guilty conscience because of the impious crime against the noblest of sons. He survived less than two years, succumbing to the burden of an incurable sorrow. Perseus, finally, the chief contriver of all the villainy, was defeated by the Romans and fled to Samothrace, but his claim as a suppliant of the Most Pure Gods37 was invalidated by the monstrous impiety that he had perpetrated against his brother.

26 1 Tiberius Gracchus, the praetor, prosecuted the war38 with vigour. Indeed, while still a young man he surpassed all his contemporaries in courage and intelligence, and since his abilities commanded admiration and showed great hopes for the future, he enjoyed a reputation that greatly distinguished him among his contemporaries.

27 1 Aemilius39 the consul, who also became patronus, was a man of noble birth and handsome appearance, and was, in addition, gifted with superior intelligence. As a result his country honoured him with all its high magistracies, while he, for his part, continued throughout his lifetime to win men's praise, and provided for his own good repute after death along with the welfare of his country.

Chaps. 28‑29: see above, after Chap. 21.

30 1 The political aims of Perseus were the same as  p277 those of his father,40 but since he wished to keep this from the Romans he sent ambassadors to Rome to renew his father's treaty of alliance and friendship. The senate, though aware of nearly all that was happening, nevertheless renewed the alliance, thereby deceiving the deceiver on his own ground.

31 1 Our concerns are advanced less by fear and force of arms than by moderation towards the defeated. So, for example, when Thoas was handed over41 and the senate had him in their power, they behaved magnanimously and acquitted him on all charges.

32 1 Antiochus,42 on first succeeding to the throne, embarked upon a quixotic mode of life foreign to other monarchs. To begin with, he would often slip out of the palace without informing his courtiers, and wander at random about the city with one or two companions. Next, he took pride in stooping to the company of common people, no matter where, and in drinking with visiting foreigners of the meanest stamp. In general, if he learned that any young men were forgathering at an early hour, he would suddenly appear at the party with a fife and other music, so that in their astonishment some of the commoners who were guests would take to their heels and others be struck dumb with fear. Finally, he would at times  p279 put off his royal garb, and wrapping himself in a toga, as he had seen candidates for office do at Rome, would accost the citizens, saluting and embracing them one by one, and ask them to give him their vote, now for the office of aedile, and again for that of tribune. Upon being elected, he would sit on an ivory chair, and in the Roman fashion listen to the opposing arguments in ordinary cases of contract. He did this with such close attention and zeal that all men of refinement were perplexed about him, some ascribing his behaviour to artless simplicity, others to folly, and some to madness.

33 1 The cancelling of debts in Aetolia was emulated in Thessaly, and factional strife and disorder broke out in every city. The senate assumed that Perseus was at the bottom of this turmoil, and reported to his envoys that while they would drop all the other charges against him, the expulsion of Abrupolis the Thracian from his kingdom was an act that, they insisted, Perseus must rectify.43

34 1 Harpalus, the ambassador of Perseus, made no reply. The senate, after allowing Eumenes the honour of an ivory curule chair and granting him other kindly marks of favour, dispatched him on his way to Asia.44

 p281 2 When, following the attempt upon Eumenes' life,45 the rumour reached Pergamum that he was dead, Attalus made short work of wooing the queen. Yet Eumenes on his return took no notice, greeted his brother warmly, and was as friendly as before.

The Loeb Editor's Notes:

1 Here, in the sacred precinct of Apollo, the soldiers of Antiochus surprised and all but annihilated a body of 500 Romans: see Livy, 35.50‑51. T. Quinctius Flamininus, the victor of Cynoscephalae (197 B.C.), was a member of the commission sent to Greece to oppose Aetolian influence and rally the Greeks against Antiochus (Livy, 35.23).

2 Polybius, 20.8, and Livy, 36.11, identify the bride as a Chalcidian, the daughter of Cleoptolemus, and place the scene of the wedding at Chalcis, whither Antiochus had proceeded from Demetrias in Thessaly.

3 Or perhaps "on the march." See critical note.

The critical note to the Greek text (κακῶς ἀπήλλαττον ἐν ταῖς ἀπορίαις) reads:

ἀπορίαις] πορείαις Dindorf.

4 Cp. Livy, 36.13‑15.

5 A formula for unconditional surrender.

6 Despite their earlier inertia and their inadequate support of Antiochus at Thermopylae (April 191 B.C.), the Aetolians had offered Rome stubborn and effective opposition throughout the summer. For the embassy see Polybius, 21.2.

7 The naval defeat at Myonnesus, September, 190 B.C., which cost Antiochus control of the seas.

8 L. Cornelius Scipio was consul for 190 B.C., but his brother Publius ("Africanus"), though officially only legate to Lucius, was in effect in charge of operations. On the abandoning of Lysimacheia see Livy, 37.31.

9 Literally, "companion." Dindorf emends to read: "Money is the sinews of war." If, as seems likely, this passage is from a speech encouraging Antiochus to make war on Rome (cp. Livy, 35.17‑18), it probably belongs at the end of Book 28 or at the beginning of Book 29.

10 On this and the following excerpt cp. Polybius, 21.13‑15, and Livy, 37.34‑36.

11 Alexandria Troas.

12 Various stories were current as to the occasion and place of his capture (Livy, 37.34.5‑6).

13 The king was at Thyateira; P. Scipio now lay ill at Elaea (Livy, 37.37).

14 Though retaining Dindorf's numbering of chapters 10 and 9, I have restored the order in which they appear in the Excerpta de Legationibus. The embassy of chap. 10 is clearly that which immediately followed on the battle of Magnesia (cp. Polybius, 21.16‑17; Livy, 37.45), and hence falls early in 189 B.C.

15 i.e. Asia north and west of the Taurus mountains.

16 Livy, 37.49, also relates the incident, which he sets in the consular year 189, after his account of the battle of Magnesia, but before certain news of the battle reached Rome (Livy, 37.51.8). Probably Diodorus also completed the story of Antiochus and then reverted to Aetolian affairs.

17 The text is suspect and has probably been abridged. If it is to be trusted, the consultation with Scipio and Aemilius must have occurred after the two latter had returned to Rome (for the Scipios see Polybius, 21.24.16‑17). Aemilius is probably L. Aemilius Regillus, the victor of Myonnesus; he and L. Scipio were each granted a triumph (Livy, 37.58‑59). For the Asiatic embassies to Rome see Polybius, 21.18‑24 (Livy, 37.52‑56); for the final awards of the Commission of Ten, delivered at Apameia, see Polybius, 21.45 (Livy, 38.39).

18 Possibly a mistake for Attalus; cp. Polybius, 21.45.2.

19 Cn. Manlius Vulso, consul in 189 B.C., who succeeded L. Scipio in the Asiatic command. On his settlement with the Galatians see Livy, 38.40 (cp. Polybius, 21.45.12).

20 Cn. Manlius had already received 2500 talents payable in advance of the peace (Polybius, 21.40; Livy, 38.37). As Gnaeus went north after the sessions at Apameia, the present passage may refer to his brother Lucius, who was sent to Syria to exact the oath from Antiochus (Polybius, 21.43).

21 M. Furius Crassipes. The text reads Fulvius, but see Livy, 39.3 and 38.42.4.

22 M. Aemilius Lepidus.

23 Cp. Book 28.3.

24 The subject is omitted in the text. As a result of complaints that Philip was not observing the conditions of the peace, a Commission of Three was sent out to settle the matter; the hearings were held at Tempe. For the context of Philip's remark see Livy, 39.26.

25 As noted by A. Aymard, Les Assemblées de la confédération achaienne (1938), 156, n4, this passage depends directly upon Polybius, 22.7‑9; the major discrepancies he charges (perhaps too severely) to the carelessness of Diodorus himself, rather than to his excerptor.

26 Seleucus IV Philopator, who came to the throne in 187 B.C. Polybius (22.9.13) states that his offer of a fleet of ships was, for the present, declined.

27 Diodorus, following Polybius, 23.12‑14, marks the nearly simultaneous deaths of Philopoemen, Hannibal, and Scipio African us with set eulogies of the three men. Philopoemen died in 182, Hannibal in 183 or 182, and Scipio in 184 B.C.

28 The actual decree of Megalopolis ordaining these honours is in part preserved (see critical note).

The critical note to a word of the Greek text gives as a reference:

Dittenberger, Sylloge3, 624.

29 To this point the text seems to be the work of the excerptor, and we cannot therefore be certain that the criticism of Scipio was part of the original.

30 Polybius, 23.14, says 15,000 talents, i.e. the total amount of the war indemnity. The incident in the senate is probably to be dated to 187 B.C., in connection with the attacks of the two Petillii on the Scipios: cp. Livy, 38.50‑55, and (for the date) Broughton, Magistrates of the Roman Republic, I, p370, n4.

31 Dindorf's arrangement has been modified by transferring chapters 28 and 29 to this point. The present arrangement is equally consistent with the order of the fragments in the Constantinian collections, and improves the chronological sequence. Q. Fulvius Q. f. Flaccus (the consul of 179 B.C.) was sent as praetor to Hither Spain in 182 and remained there until 180 B.C. For the present story (not in Livy) see Appian, Hisp. 42, who calls the city Complega. The possibility raised by Dindorf, that the episode might belong to Fulvius' Ligurian campaign of 179 B.C. (the place being identified as Cemenelum), need no longer be considered.

32 Ptolemy V Epiphanes. Coelê Syria had been in the hands of the Seleucids since 200 B.C. St. Jerome (in Dan. 11.20), quoting the story from Porphyrius, adds that the remark led to the poisoning of the king by those who feared the confiscation of their wealth.

33 Attalus, who was to succeed his older brother Eumenes II on the throne of Pergamum in 160/59 B.C., was accompanied on this visit by his younger brothers (Polybius, 24.5). The war between Pergamum and Pharnaces of Pontus raged from 183 to 179 B.C.

34 This town on the Black Sea, recently wrested by Pergamum from Bithynia, was the original home of the Attalids. The precise date of the incident recorded here is uncertain.

35 Possibly in return for a promise of 500 talents: cp. Polybius, fr. inc. 96 (Büttner-Wobst).

36 Apelles and Philocles. See Livy, 40.20; 23; 54‑55. Philip died in 179 B.C.

37 The "Great Gods" of the Samothracian mysteries, similar to and often identified with the Cabiri. Perseus sought refuge on the island in 168 B.C., after Pydna.

38 Against the Celtiberians in Hither Spain. Gracchus, the father of the famous tribunes, was praetor in 180 and propraetor in 179 B.C., succeeding Q. Fulvius Flaccus (see note to chap. 28) in the Spanish command.

39 Probably M. Aemilius Lepidus, who became pontifex maximus in 180 and censor in 179 B.C., and whose personal beauty is noted also by Polybius (16.34.6). A family legend (cp. tutor reg(is) on a denarius of c. 67 B.C. and Justin, 30.3.3‑4, Val. Max. 6.6.1, Tac. Ann. 2.67) arose that he acted as guardian of a child-Ptolemy (identified by Justin as Epiphanes, in 200 B.C.). Our text, where in any case a genitive is lacking after πάτρων, may refer to this story.

40 Diodorus follows Polybius (22.18) in ascribing to Philip the policy that led to the Third Macedonian War. On the embassy to Rome see Livy, 40.58.8.

41 By Antiochus III, see above, chap. 10.

42 Antiochus IV Epiphanes, who seized the throne in 175 B.C. The character sketch is taken from Polybius, 26.1 and 1a; cp. also below, Book 31.16.

43 On the significance of the Abrupolis incident see Polybius, 22.18.

44 For Eumenes' denunciation of Perseus before the senate see Livy, 42.11‑14.

45 At Delphi, on his return journey from Rome; cp. Livy, 42.15‑16.

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