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 p257  Chapter V
Mirò's Administration
1789 to 1791

We have seen the part which Wilkinson and others were acting in Kentucky, in favor of Spain. But in the western settlements of North Carolina a strong party had also sprung up, which was operating with equal force, in the same direction and under the same influence.

In 1786, the western portion of North Carolina, which was called the Washington district, had declared itself independent, had constituted itself into the State of Frankland, which organized its government, and elected Colonel John Sevier as its first Governor. But Congress interfered in favor of North Carolina, the authority of which was maintained, and the new State of Frankland terminated its brief career in 1787. This first attempt in the West to throw off openly the allegiance due to the parent State had roused intense excitement for and against it, and the secessionists, still persevering in their former designs, were watching for the opportunity to renew them. Thus, on the 12th of September, 1788, ex-governor John Sevier had written to Gardoqui,​1 to inform him that the inhabitants of Frankland were unanimous in their vehement desire to form an alliance and treaty of commerce with Spain, and put themselves under her protection. Wherefore, he begged for ammunition, money, and whatever other assistance Mirò could  p258 grant, to aid the execution of the contemplated separation from North Carolina, pledging the faith of the State of Frankland for the payment of whatever sums Spain might advance, and whatever expenses she might incur, in an enterprise which would secure to her such durable and important results. "Before concluding this communication," said Sevier, "it is necessary that I should mention that there cannot be a moment more opportune than the present, to carry our plan into execution. North Carolina has refused to accept the new constitution proposed for the confederacy, and therefore a considerable time will elapse before she becomes a member of the Union, if that event ever happen."

The settlers on the Cumberland river, who were also under the jurisdiction of North Carolina, were deeply interested in the navigation of the Mississippi, and therefore were equally influenced by the motives which were operating so powerfully on the people of Kentucky and other portions of the West. The name of Mirò given to a district which they had lately formed, shows which way their partiality was leaning at that time.

Doctor James White was one of the most active agents employed by Gardoqui to operate on the Western people, and this individual had come to Louisiana to enter into an understanding with Mirò on the execution of the mission with which he had been intrusted. In a communication which he addressed to Mirò, on the 18th of April, 1789, he said, "With regard to Frankland, Don Diego Gardoqui gave me letters for the chief men of that district, with instructions to assure them that, if they wished to put themselves under the protection of Spain and favor her interests, they should be protected in their civil and political government, in the form and manner most agreeable to them, on the following conditions:

 p259  "1o — It should be absolutely necessary, not only in order to hold any office, but also any land in Frankland, that an oath of allegiance be taken to his Majesty, the object and purport of which should be to defend his government and faithful vassals on all occasions, and against all his enemies, whoever they might be. 2o — That the inhabitants of that district should renounce all submission or allegiance whatever to any other Sovereign or power. They have eagerly accepted these conditions, and the Spanish minister has referred me to your favor, patronage and assistance to facilitate my operations. With regard to Cumberland, what I have said of Frankland applies to it with equal force and truth."

On the 22d of the same month, White again wrote to Mirò, saying: "M. Gardoqui has informed me that,​2 considering I was in the service of Spain, my expenses would be paid out of the royal treasury." He concludes with asking about four hundred dollars,​3 to facilitate his dealing decently and commodiously with those he was to influence. This sum was immediately granted.

Mirò, in answer​4 to White's application, delivered to him a paper beginning with this preamble: "Considering the representation of James White in favor of the districts of Frankland and Mirò, formerly Cumberland, in whose welfare he had manifested much interest, I authorize him to make known what his Catholic Majesty, moved by no other motive than that of generosity, is disposed to do for the inhabitants of the said districts." This document contained an enumeration of the favors and advantages to be granted to such as would emigrate to  p260 Louisiana, and of the conditions annexed to them. It further conceded to the people of Frankland and Cumberland the privilege to carry their produce down the Mississippi to the market of New Orleans, provided they should pay a per centage of 15 per cent, which Mirò reserved himself the right of reducing as he might please, on behalf of such men of influence among them as might solicit that favor and be made known to him by White.

"But," said he, "with regard to the proposition of that gentleman (James White) in relation to the wish expressed by the inhabitants of Cumberland and Frankland to connect themselves with Spain after their separation from the United States, I can neither assist, nor foment such a scheme, on account of the good harmony which exists between his Catholic Majesty and the United States. Nevertheless, it is for the inhabitants of the aforesaid districts to seek after what suits them best, and, should they succeed in securing for themselves a complete independence from the United States, then his Majesty would grant them, out of his royal beneficence, all the favor, help, and advantages which might be adapted to their condition, and compatible with the interests of the Spanish monarchy." This passage is another proof of the aversion which Mirò felt, either from jealousy, or from prudence, and perhaps from both, to permit Gardoqui and his agents to take any share in the intrigues which, with Wilkinson, he was carrying on, to detach the Great West from the rest of the Union.

On the 23d, he wrote to the General:

Mirò then informed Wilkinson that he had authorized White to proceed immediately to the districts of Mirò and Frankland, in order to communicate to the inhabitants the document which I have already quoted.

The next day, Mirò wrote to Daniel Smith in vague terms, referring him for particulars to White. "The giving of my name to your district," said he, "has caused me much satisfaction, and I feel myself highly honored by that compliment. It increases my desire to contribute to the development of the resources of that province and the prosperity of its inhabitants, &c., &c."

"I am extremely flattered at your proposition to enter into a correspondence with me, and I hope that it will afford me to opportunity of being agreeable to you."

On the 30th of April, Governor Mirò sent to Antonio Valdès, one of the Spanish ministers, a detailed account of all that I have related, and spoke rather slightingly of the pretended services rendered by White under the direction of Gardoqui.

Mirò concludes with asking for the approbation of his Majesty in relation to all that he had done, and urgently solicits instructions as to his course of action, on the emergency of the arrival of delegates from the discontented districts.

On the 20th of May, Mirò addressed to his government a long despatch, in which he commented on the impolicy of the conditions and extent of the concession of land made by Gardoqui to Colonel Morgan, a little below the mouth of the Ohio. One of the conditions was, that the emigrants to that region should have the right of self-government. Mirò called the attention of the cabinet of Madrid to the danger of thus having an imperium in imperio, a government within a government, and pointed out the results which would inevitably flow from such a state of things. "Experience has demonstrated," said he, "that, in this province, large concessions of land to an individual have never produced the desired effect of procuring population," &c. &c. He then goes on complaining of the ambiguity with which Gardoqui had written to him on the circumstances attending the plan of colonization entertained by Colonel Morgan, who had come to New Orleans to carry it into execution, with the expected approbation and concurrence of the Governor of Louisiana.

Three days after (on the 23d of May), Mirò wrote to Morgan, that great had been his surprise, on reading the papers submitted to him; that the extent of territory conceded was much larger, and that the favors and privileges attached to the grant were much more exorbitant, than he had been informed. He declared them completely inadmissible, and enumerated the conditions on which he, Mirò would allow Morgan to establish his contemplated colony. "You see," said he, "how different  p265 they are from those you have proposed, and, truly, it is to me a matter of deep regret, because, having been made acquainted with the fine qualities for which you are distinguished, I was awaiting your arrival with impatience, and with the hope of being able to approve your plan. I am therefore much disappointed at being obliged to resist its execution, because it would be extremely prejudicial to the welfare and interest of the kingdom to permit the establishment of a republic within its domains; for as such I consider the government which you have conceived, although retaining some shadow of submission to his Majesty.

"I also infinitely regret, that you have gone so far as to cause to be circulated through the whole population of the Ohio and Kentucky districts the report that so extensive a territory had been granted to you, and that, under the impression that such a grant was final and valid, you have drawn the plan of a city, and given it a name (which is the exercise of a power appertaining to the sovereign alone), and, what is worse, that you have called it our city, in your letter to certain gentlemen at Fort Pitt, whilst Don Diego Gardoqui authorized to do no more than survey the lands. How wide a difference is there between what you did and what you had a right to do!" Assuming, however, a gentler tone, Mirò told Morgan that he attributed the imprudence of his acts to an excess of zeal to serve the King; that he authorized him, should he be disposed to continue his services to his Majesty, to induce as many families as possible to come and settle in Louisiana, and particularly in the Natchez district, but only under the conditions that he had made known to him; and that, should he, Morgan, be successful in that operation, the king would reward him in a befitting manner. Mirò further promised him a concession of •one thousand acres of land for  p266 himself, and the same quantity for every one of his sons. Morgan was also informed that a fort would be constructed by the Spaniards at the place which he had chosen for the town of New Madrid, that a detachment of soldiers would soon be sent there, and that its commander would be instructed to receive favorably all the emigrants that should present themselves.

The next day, Morgan sent to Mirò a reply, in which he apologized for the course he had pursued. He said that, if he had erred, it was with the best intentions and from sheer ignorance, and he thanked the Governor for attributing what he had done to its true motive — an excessive zeal to serve his Majesty. "As I have always kept up the character of a man of honor," said he, "I am sure you will remain convinced that I shall never act, knowingly, in violation of the laws and will of his Majesty.

"Among the inducements which I have to leave my native country, must be ranked the desire of increasing my fortune, and establishing my family in peace, under a safe and secure government. If you have occasionally read the acts of Congress, you may have seen that my father-in‑law Baynton, myself and my partners were unjustly dispossessed by the State of Virginia of the largest territorial estate within its limits, and that it was not in the power of Congress to protect us, although that honorable body manifested the best disposition to do so. These circumstances, and the wish to recommend myself to the kind notice of the King, prompted me to my last undertaking, and I am now disposed to accept the conditions which you do me the honor of proposing, under the hope of acquiring one day the favor of his Majesty."

On the 12th of June, Mirò informed his government of all his transactions, and observed that, had he acquiesced  p267 in Morgan's plan of colonization, an independent republic would soon have formed in Louisiana by the new settlers, and the provinces of New Spain endangered.

In conformity with the intention manifested in this letter, Governor Mirò, in the month of July, sent Pierre Foucher, a lieutenant of the regiment of Louisiana, with two sergeants, two corporals and thirty soldiers, to build a fort at New Madrid, and to take the civil and military command of that district. His instructions were to govern those new colonists in such a way as to make them feel that they had found among the Spaniards the state of ease and comfort of which they were in quest.

Mirò's diplomacy and administration of Louisiana had been thought worthy of a reward, and in the month of May, he had been informed that he had been promoted to the grade of brigadier-general. He had immediately returned his thanks for that favor, and, in that despatch, commenting on the military resources of the colony, he had observed that the regiment of Louisiana, which ought to have been two thousand strong according to the royal ordinance, did not muster more than 1,258 men.

In the month of July, he communicated to his government certain propositions made by Colonel Morgan for the cultivation of flax and hemp, and he recommended that the whole quantity which Morgan should be able to raise be purchased on account of the royal treasury. He also sent at the same time a memorial from William Butler, in which this gentleman proposed to conduct to Louisiana forty-six families of emigrants, well provided for, on condition that he be permitted to import one hundred thousand dollars' worth of merchandise.

In the beginning of this year, 1789, Louisiana had learned that she had passed under the sceptre of another monarch. The benevolent and wise Charles III had  p269 died on the 14th of December, 1788, and had been succeeded by his son Charles IV. On the 7th of May, the usual funeral rites were performed in New Orleans in honor of departed royalty, with as much pomp and solemnity as the finances of the colony could afford. On the 8th, the conventional grief of the preceding day were forgotten, and the whole city wore an aspect of joy equally as sincere. The new Sovereign was proclaimed in due form, amidst repeated discharges of artillery and musketry; the ships in the harbor paraded their gayest colors; a great review of the troops took place, with the ordinary enlivening music of military instruments; the authorities dined in state, and toasted the new King's health; the people, to whom theatrical exhibitions were given at the cost of the government, shouted to the top of their lungs, and the whole city was illuminated at night. Never was rejoicing more ill-timed, since the man who had ascended the throne, and to whose care were to be committed the destinies of one of the most extensive and glorious kingdoms of the world, was perhaps one of the weakest in intellect among his fellow beings.

It appears that, soon after the death of Charles III, who was far from being a bigoted king, an attempt was made to introduce the much dreaded tribunal of the Inquisition into the colony.​a The reverend Capuchin, Antonio de Sedella, who had lately arrived in the province, wrote to the Governor to inform him that he, the holy father, had been appointed Commissary of the Inquisition; that in a letter of the 5th of December last, from the proper authority, this intelligence had been communicated to him, and that he had been requested to discharge his functions with the most exact fidelity and zeal, and in conformity with the royal will. Wherefore, after having made his investigations with the  p270 utmost secrecy and precaution,​7 he notified Mirò that, in order to carry, as he was commanded, his instructions into perfect execution in all their parts, he might soon, at some late hour of the night, deem it necessary to require some guards to assist him in his operations.

Not many hours had elapsed since the reception of this communication by the Governor, when night came, and the representative of the Holy Inquisition was quietly reposing in bed, when he was roused from his sleep by a heavy knocking. He started up, and, opening his door, saw standing before him an officer and a file of grenadiers. Thinking that they had come to obey his commands, in consequence of his letter to the Governor, he said: "My friends, I thank you and his Excellency for the readiness of this compliance with my request. But I have now no use for your services, and you shall be warned in time when you are wanted. Retire then, with the blessing of God." Great was the stupefaction of the Friar when he was told that he was under arrest. "What!" exclaimed he, "will you dare lay your hands on a Commissary of the Holy Inquisition?" — "I dare obey orders," replied the undaunted officer, and the Reverend Father Antonio de Sedella was instantly carried on board of a vessel, which sailed the next day for Cadiz.

Rendering an account of this incident to one of the members of the Cabinet of Madrid, Governor Mirò said in a despatch of the 3d of June:​8 "When I read the communication of that Capuchin, I shuddered. His Majesty has ordered me to foster the increase of population in this province, and to admit in it all those that would emigrate from the banks of those rivers which empty themselves into the Ohio. This course was  p271 recommended by me, for the powerful reasons which I have given in confidential despatches to the most excellent Don Antonio Valdès, and which your Excellency must have seen among the papers laid before the Supreme Council of State. This emigration was to be encouraged under the pledge, that the new colonists should not be molested in matters of religion, provided there should be no other public mode of worship than the Catholic. The mere name of the Inquisition uttered in New Orleans would be sufficient, not only to check immigration, which is successfully progressing, but would also be capable of driving away those who have recently come, and I even fear that, in spite of my having sent out of the country Father Sedella, the most fatal consequences may ensue from the mere suspicion of the cause of his dismissal." Considering the dread in which the holy tribunal of the Inquisition had always been held in Spain, the energy with which Mirò acted on this occasion cannot be too much admired.

In the same despatch, Mirò informed his government of the laying of the first brick for the foundation of the cathedral which the munificence of Don Andres Almonaster intended to erect for the town, at the estimated cost of $50,000. This building, when completed, became the tomb of its founder on his death, which happened not long after. Although this monument and venerable relic of the past was pulled down, in 1850, in the mere wantonness of vandalism, to make room for the upstart production of bad taste, yet the stone which covered the mortal remains of the pious founder of the destroyed temple has at least been respected, and still retains his coat of arms and proud motto:

In this year, 1789, a powerful company, composed of Alex. Moultrie, Isaac Huger, Major William Snipes, Colonel Washington and other distinguished gentlemen, had formed itself at Charleston, South Carolina, and had purchased from the State of Georgia an immense territory, including, it is said, at least •52,900 square miles, and extending from the Yazoo to the neighborhood of Natchez on the banks of the Mississippi. This territory was partly claimed by the Choctaws, the Chickasaws and Spain. On the 1st of October, the gentlemen whom I have named wrote to Captain Cape, one of their agents and associates, not to lose one minute, and, in concert with Colonel Holder, to take possession of the land in virtue of their contract with Georgia.

 p274  On the 4th of January, 1790, Wilkinson, to whom all this affair had been communicated, with a view, no doubt, to secure his assistance, wrote to Messrs. Moultrie, Huger, Snipes, and Washington, with his usual characteristic keenness, and begged leave, after a long preamble on his disinterestedness and the honesty of his intentions, to make, as he observed, a few trifling observations on the measures they had adopted, and to suggest the preliminary dispositions which would be indispensably necessary to secure the complete accomplishment of their plans. Alluding to the letters which I have quoted, and which were exhibited to him by Captain Cape, he said that they appeared to be of so extraordinary a nature, that he remarked to that gentleman that he would not hesitate to pronounce them forgeries, if the proofs of their authenticity were not so strong.​10 He further informed Messrs. Huger, Washington, Snipes, and Moultrie, that, on his last trip to New Orleans, he had had a frank and free intercourse with Governor Mirò; that he had discussed with that Spanish functionary the whole affair, and had finally ascertained what was the sole basis on which a settlement might be formed in that latitude, &c."11

[. . .]

Whilst Wilkinson was thus eager to embark in this new scheme, his agents in Kentucky for his other designs were pressing him for money. On the 5th of January, Sebastian was addressing him in the following strain:

Six days after, Wilkinson wrote to Mirò in a less flattering tone. It seems that clouds had arisen and obscured the sun of their hopes.

Relatively to the Convention which, he said, was to meet in Kentucky in June next, and the members of which were to be elected in May, he expressed himself as follows:

The change to which Wilkinson alludes in this communication is to be attributed to the confidence inspired to all by the wise and firm administration of Washington, who had been installed into office on the 4th of March, 1789, as first President of the United States, under that new Constitution which had just been framed by the people thereof, "to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the  p281 blessings of liberty to themselves and their posterity," and which was beginning to accomplish these objects.

It appears that the emigrants whom Colonel Morgan had attracted to L'Anse à la Graisse, or New Madrid, had not long remained satisfied with their leader, for they had sent John Ward to New Orleans as their delegate, to present to Mirò​14 a memorial signed by them, and in which they complained of the state of complete anarchy in which they lived, and of the exactions of Colonel Morgan. "We also beg you," they said, "to permit us to remark, that the method adopted for settling this district is very prejudicial to the interests of the King, and also to those of the inhabitants of New Madrid, his subjects. Therefore, we conclude with assuring you, that if we cannot obtain satisfaction with regard to what we represent to you through Mr. Ward, our agent, we shall be obliged, relying on our right and the just support of our friends, to abandon a country and a climate with which we are highly pleased."

On the 27th of February, Alex. Moultrie replied to Wilkinson's letter of the 4th of January, accepting with many compliments the offer of his services, and entreating him to use his best efforts in order to accelerate and perfect the great enterprise of the South Carolina Company, but informing him that the agency of the company could no longer be disposed of, as it had been some time ago granted to Dr. O'Fallon, who was the bearer of Moultrie's letter to Wilkinson. But it is evident from a communication addressed by Mirò to Wilkinson, on the 30th of April, that this gentleman could not do much for the South Carolina speculators who had applied to him.

Mirò then goes on saying, that the chiefs themselves who had signed that treaty had signified to the American Commissioners that they had no such powers, and had furthermore declared, that it was only after having been made drunk, that they had put their seals to it. He also informs Wilkinson that the Choctaws had proclaimed, that they would not permit the Americans even to walk over their lands, because they were afraid of their being gradually usurped by the well-known rapacity of those intruders. The tone of this letter is very different from the affectionate style in which Mirò usually addressed Wilkinson, and indicates that he resented Wilkinson's letter of the 26th of January, in which he was informed of the change which had occurred in the feelings of the people  p283 of Kentucky, and of the almost undoubted destruction of all his hopes and plans.

In a second despatch to Wilkinson, dated on the same day (30th of April), Mirò comments on the reasons given by that gentleman, to account for the revulsion of sentiments which was described to have taken place among the Western people. "Your countrymen," said he, "will soon find out that the advantages they expect from the navigation of the Mississippi, on their paying an import duty of 15 per cent when entering Louisiana, and an export duty of 6 per cent when leaving it, amount to nothing. So far, tobacco has been the only produce of any importance which they have brought to New Orleans, and which the king has reserved to himself the privilege of buying. Should he not choose to do so, on the ground that the article wanted is not furnished in sufficient quantity, it would remain a dead weight in the hands of the owner. Several individuals, who are now here, have discovered this to be the case. With regard to your supposition that they will elude paying the duty of 15 per cent under the pretext of coming to settle in Louisiana, it is without any sort of foundation whatever, and you may rest assured that I shall take care that the law be executed on that point." He then enumerated in detail the preventive measures which he had imagined, more effectually to defeat the anticipated fraud.

"I therefore confidently hope," continued he, "that, with your characteristic perseverance, making use of the information which I give you, and which will be confirmed by your countrymen on their return, you will be able to revive our political designs, by sowing broad-cast, and causing to germinate among your people, such ideas as will seem to you best calculated to establish the conviction, that the welfare of the inhabitants of Kentucky  p284 depends, either on their forming a close and strong connection with Spain, or on their seeking to better their fortune by becoming citizens of Louisiana."

With regard to that passage in Wilkinson's letter in which he said that had become an object of suspicion to his government, and that his situation was mortally painful, because, whilst abhorring duplicity, he was obliged to dissemble, wherefore he was seeking for the occasion of professing himself publicly the vassal of his Catholic Majesty, in order to claim his protection in whatever public or private measures he might devise to promote the interests of the crown, Mirò replied:​15 "I much regret that General Washington and Congress suspect your connection with me, but it does not appear to me opportune that you declare yourself a Spaniard, for the reasons which you state. I am of opinion that this idea of yours is not convenient, and that, on the contrary, it might have prejudicial results. Therefore, continue to dissemble and to work as you promise, and as I have above indicated." In this letter, all the caressing epithets and other expressions so plentifully used, on other occasions, are dropped, and the words, my dearest friend, or any other approaching their meaning, are studiously excluded, and Mirò's despatch terminates merely with the commonplace salutation so familiar in Spanish phraseology: "Dios guarde a Vs. muchos años." "God preserve you many years."

In travelling over these historical grounds, here have we come to a point from which a rich scene of practical morality is displayed before us. "You may rest assured," had written Wilkinson, "that the constant persecution  p285 of Congress cannot produce the slightest impression on my attachment and zeal for the interests of Spain, which I shall always be ready to defend with my tongue, my pen, and my sword." So far, so good, and "Thank you, dearest friend," had replied Spanish interest. "But I am anxious to become a Spaniard on the first opportunity that shall present itself," said Wilkinson, proceeding a step further. — "You! a Spaniard, Sir! Oh, no! that cannot be. Continue to dissemble, and to work under ground, as you are bound to do. Retain your American tongue, your American pen, and your American sword. You can serve us better in that guise." Thus spoke Spanish pride and Spanish honor. Is there on record a more striking specimen of withering contempt?

On the 22d of May, Mirò wrote to the minister, Don Antonio Valdès, to render him an account of his last transactions and correspondence with Wilkinson.

Mirò concludes his letter with recommending that a pension be granted to Sebastian, "because I think it proper," said he, "to treat with this individual, who will be able to enlighten me on the conduct of Wilkinson, and on what we have to expect from the plans of the said brigadier-general."16

Thus every thing was done according to the most approved rules laid down in the code of corruption: "set a thief to catch a thief, and a spy after another  p287 spy." Thus Wilkinson was employed to watch the Kentuckians, and Sebastian to betray his confederate Wilkinson. Not a link wanting in the chain of infamy.

In a second despatch of the 22d of May, Mirò communicates to the same minister all the information he had received on the plan of colonization formed by the South Carolina Company, and all he had done in relation to that matter.

Mirò praised Wilkinson for the part he had acted on that occasion, and for having so much discouraged the South Carolina Company, that their operations were suspended for the moment. "I mention this fact the more readily on his behalf," said he, "that I spoke less favorably of him in my preceding communication." Mirò closed his despatch with asking for instructions on the subject, and said that, in the mean time, should the South Carolina Company attempt to take possession of the territory which they pretended to have purchased  p288 from Georgia, he would oppose that usurpation with such forces as he could command, and with the assistance of the Indians, and that his first step would be to occupy a strong military position at "Walnut Hills," at the mouth of the Yazoo.

On the 24th of May, James O'Fallon, who styled himself the "General Agent in the Western settlement for the company of South Carolina relatively to the Yazoo territory," wrote from Lexington to Governor Mirò a letter, which, notwithstanding its length, I shall quote almost in full, on account of the curious developments which it contains.

On the 20th of June, Wilkinson wrote from Frankfort, Kentucky, to Governor Mirò:

On the 10th of August, Mirò sent to his government copies of all the preceding correspondence, and a detailed account of what he had done in relation to the important matters which had been submitted to his consideration.

After this exceedingly modest exordium, Mirò proceeds to handle with some assurance what he had apparently approached with such timidity. He said that, according to a plan transmitted to him by General Wilkinson, the inferior limit of the territory conceded to the South Carolina Company was at a water-course called Cole's Creek, •eighteen miles above Natchez; extending to the 33d degree of latitude, •thirty miles above the mouth of the Yazoo.

Another danger had also struck Mirò, and impressed him with serious misgivings. Where was the proof that the Company was sincere in its intentions, and would adhere to its propositions? Would it not devise some means of eluding them? Had it not perhaps, in anticipation, prepared to do so, and would it not be ready for the excuse in due time? Were it to take possession of the extensive domain which it claimed as its own, and were it to establish there a large population, how could it be dispossessed if the occasion required it? But should these apprehensions not be well founded, and not be confirmed by the subsequent actions of the South Carolina  p299 colonists, would there not be a serious cause for fearing that, from the impulse of a natural affection, they would be disposed to support the United States in their still pending territorial pretensions to the 31st degree of latitude, and to the navigation of the Mississippi?

"Besides," continued Mirò, "it is self-evident that it would be extremely perilous to have, so close to us, so powerful a neighbor, who might, without our being able to prevent him, prepare for the conquest of this province, by insensibly providing himself with artillery, and all the other implements he might require to execute his design. The Crown could not resist an enterprise of the kind, without going to an expense which it is not able to incur. Therefore, should it be determined not to adopt the remedy which I have proposed (the grant of free trade), it is now less difficult to prevent the fatal results which it may have, and we had better prepare ourselves to act accordingly."

Mirò then suggested, that it might be proper to pursue a middle course between rejecting and admitting the propositions of the Company. It consisted in permitting them to colonize the aforesaid territory, on condition that they should declare themselves the subjects of his Catholic Majesty, and submit to the same regulations imposed on all emigrants. In Mirò's mind, however, sprang up another dark misgiving. "These people," he said, "are imbued with the conviction that those lands belong to them by purchase, and, in order to obtain them, they may momentarily accept of all sorts of conditions. But would they not violate them, contain they should find themselves powerful enough to do it with impunity?

"I will now," continued Mirò, "communicate to you  p300 the measures which I have resorted to, in order to prevent any one of the three Companies from carrying its scheme into execution." He then goes on explaining, how he had excited the hostility and secured the opposition of all the Indian tribes to the Americans. "I have recommended them," says he, "to remain quiet, and told them, if these people presented themselves with a view to settle on their lands, then to make no concessions and to warn them off; but to attack them in case they refused to withdraw; and I have promised that I would supply them with powder and ball, to defend their legitimate rights."

With regard to O'Fallon, Mirò informed his government that he would so demean himself, as to permit that individual to retain some hopes of success in his mission, and added that he would endeavor to induce O'Fallon to accompany him to Havana, whither he intended to go in October, to confer with the Captain-General on the interesting matters which he had to manage.

In those important conjunctures, McGillivray, the famous chief of the Talapouches,​c found himself much courted by the Spaniards and the Americans. He had been invited by Washington to cease his hostilities, and to repair to New York, to confer on the articles of a definitive treaty of peace. The wily chief availed himself of this circumstance with considerable skill, to raise himself in the estimation of Mirò, and to put his services at a higher price. He wrote to that Governor that, although he should conclude a treaty of peace with the Federal Government, yet he would ever remain faithful to his old friends the Spaniards, and he asked from the Court of Madrid many favors, with an annual stipend of fifteen thousand dollars to carry on hostilities against the projected establishment of the South Carolina Company, if not against the United States. But he obtained  p301 only a pension of two thousand dollars, with a regular salary for his interpreters, and the promise of ammunition, arms, and other military supplies in case of need.​19 The whole correspondence of this half-breed Indian warrior and diplomatist evinces a remarkable degree of shrewdness, information, and talent.

Thus it is seen that Louisiana had been, for several years, the focus of very important intrigues, the object of which was no less than to destroy the great American confederacy which had just been formed, and which was soon destined to operate so powerfully on the rest of the civilized world. But the mass of the population of the colony had been ignorant of, and was indifferent to, the plots, schemes, and diplomacy of their rulers. A cause of agitation and an object of more immediate consequence to them, was a royal schedule, issued on the 31st of May, 1789, in relation to the education and occupation to be given to slaves, and the manner they were to be treated, in all the dominions of his Catholic Majesty. Some of the regulations it contained proved exceedingly unpalatable in Louisiana, and the Cabildo or Council remonstrated on them, on the 23d of July, 1790, in a document which they addressed to the King. His Majesty, it seems, had ordered that chaplains should, on every plantation, attend to the religious education of the negroes. The colonists observed, that this could not be complied with for several reasons; and they might have rested satisfied with the first, which was — that there were not priests enough, even to fill the curacy of every parish; the next was — that there were few planters that were not considerably in debt on account of recent inundations and conflagrations, and of the scarcity and exorbitant price of every necessity of life, wherefore the  p302 great majority had not the means of paying the salary which it would be requisite to give to so respectable a class of men; and besides, that a good many of the plantations were distant from each other — which circumstance would prevent the same chaplain from officiating on them; that the greater number of the planters were very poor, and their houses too uncomfortable to afford proper accommodation for the ministers of the Gospel.

With regard to the article of the schedule which required the sexes to be kept separate, they said that it was impossible to conform to it without the greatest inconveniences, because the works to be executed on a plantation frequently required that all the hands be kept together, in order to use them to the best advantage according to circumstances; that to divide the hands would increase the costs and trouble of supervision; that most of the planters had only a few negroes, with whom they and their sons worked in the field, and that they could not afford to separate the males from the females, because they would have no distinct occupation to give to them separately; that the slaves labor under the inspection of their masters, and of the sons, or overseers of their masters; that the work is proportioned to the sex, the strength, the age, and the health of each of them, and that no abuses have resulted from both sexes working together; that even admitting that the vigilance of their superiors should be at fault, the slaves would be prevented from indulging in certain excesses by the fatigues of the body, which are their best corrective, although their labors are moderate, and ample time is allowed them for their own benefit and purposes, according to the intentions of his Majesty.

In relation to the amusements which the slaves were permitted to enjoy on every holiday, after having discharged their religious duties, without their being permitted  p303 to go from one plantation to another. The Cabildo remarked that this could be applicable to the large estates only. "But," said they, "where there are only three or four slaves, how could they divert themselves, if the sexes were separated? Would they not grow desperate when hearing the distant sounds of dancing and music, without being able to join in the festival?" &c. &c.

As to the prohibition in relation to the working of negroes on holidays, the Cabildo observed that it was, occasionally, impossible to do otherwise, because it became necessary, at time, not to keep the Sabbath, in order not to lose the fruits of the labors of the whole year; but that the negroes were either compensated for it in money, or were allowed other days of rest in the place of those which had been taken away from them.

As to the article in the royal schedule which enjoined the marriage of the slaves, the Cabildo declared that it was the most critical and difficult of all the obligations imposed by the King upon the planters, because the master would frequently not have the means of buying the female that his slave might choose, or the master of the female might also not be in a situation to purchase the male; and, besides, because such forced sales and purchases would give rise to frauds, heart-burnings, and many other inconveniences which are self-evident and need no description.

This is a mere condensed abstract from the long publication addressed by the Cabildo or Ayuntamiento of Louisiana to the King, and which is an interesting document, well worthy of an entire perusal, as embodying the views and feelings of the community on the peculiar organism of an institution, which has so entwined itself round the very vitals of the Southern States, that, be it continued, modified, or extinguished, it must, in its ultimate results, exercise for centuries, if not for ever, socially and politically, for good or for evil, the most direct, powerful, and incessant influence on their condition, their prosperity, and their very existence.

It seems that Mirò, during his long residence in Louisiana, had not become sufficiently enamored with it to forget good old Spain, and that he had applied several times to be permitted to return to the land of his ancestors and of his birth. On the 12th of October, he wrote again to the Count de Campo Alanga, the minister of the department of the Indies, to be employed at home in that department, and he founded his pretensions on his knowledge of the French and English languages, and his long and familiar acquaintance with the affairs of America, on which he had obtained, as he alleged, the most minute and varied information during his protracted residence on that continent. "I have now had the  p306 honor," said he, "of serving the King, always with distinguished zeal, for thirty years and three months, of which, twenty-one years and eight months in America, until the state of my health requires my return to Europe."

This year, the people of Louisiana again suffered extensively from the inundations of the Mississippi. They were also greatly disquieted by the apprehensions of a war with Great Britain, on account of the high grounds taken by that power towards Spain in regard to the settlement at Nootka Sound. An invasion of Louisiana by the British from Canada was a cause of serious fears in the colony, and became a subject of consideration even for the General Government of the United States. Washington had to turn his attention to the course he would pursue, should a passage be asked by Great Britain for her troops through the territory of the United States, or should that passage be effected without permission. These circumstances were considered by the United States as the most favorable they could have, to press their claim to the navigation of the Mississippi; and Carmichael, their chargé-d'affaires at Madrid, was instructed, not only to urge this demand with the most tenacious earnestness, but also to aim at putting the use of that river beyond the reach of molestation or dispute for the future, by obtaining for the United States the island of New Orleans and the Floridas. The United States were not then ready to give millions for such an acquisition, "but," said they to Spain, "the friendship of the United States gained by this liberal transaction, and the security which that friendship would procure for the dominions of Spain on the West of the Mississippi, would be a fair and sufficient equivalent for the desired cession. Not only would the United States have no object in crossing that stream, but their real interest  p307 would also require that Spain should retain the immense possessions she claimed to the West of it.​21 Besides, the navigation of the Mississippi is of such absolute necessity to the United States, that they must, sooner or later, acquire it, either through separate action and by the exertion of their own individual power, or in conjunction with Great Britain. This is the decree of Providence, written on the very map of the Continent of America, and therefore it cannot be resisted by human agency, however obstinate and powerful it may be in its opposition. Was it not the part of wisdom to anticipate an irresistible event, and make the most of it, by gently and peacefully facilitating its accomplishment, which otherwise would inevitably be brought about by violence?" — Such was the language of the United States, but it failed to obtain from Spain the boon which they craved. She, probably, had some misgivings as to the duration of their promised friendship, if they once extended their empire to the left bank of the Mississippi, from the mouth of the Ohio to the Gulf of Mexico. Some sudden and unexpected cause of quarrel might easily occur from the very proximity of the two flags, which the width only of the river would separate; and should thus the two nations bend their necks to drink from the same stream, one of them might complain that the already turbid waters of the Mississippi were made still more so by the other, and might turn into reality the fable of the wolf and the lamb. As to the assertion that the United States would never have any interest nor feel any temptation to cross the river, it is probable that Old Spain shook her experienced head at the boldness of the declaration and at the credulity which it implied on her part. She well knew, on the contrary,  p308 that, if the young giant of the wilderness once planted his foot on the left bank of the mighty river, he would ere long leap across it, as if it were a puny rivulet, and that, in the exulting consciousness of his growing and unconquerable strength, and, with the rough club borrowed from his native forests, beating down the flag and crushing the polished panoply of chivalrous and time-honored Spain, he would soon stride across Texas towards the fat provinces of Mexico and the halls of the Aztec emperors. She could well read the book of destiny, but she thought that she had no immediate interest in hastening the events which were registered in that immortal record of the decrees of Providence.

The year 1791 found Mirò still the unwilling governor of Louisiana. But his intrigues in the West and South, to operate a dismemberment of the territory of the Union, seem to have been slackening, either from the expectation that he was soon to be recalled, or from distrust in his agents and doubts of the final success of his efforts.

Having been blamed for the quantity of tobacco which he had bought, the preceding year, for the account of the government, he wrote to the Cabinet of Madrid, on the 17th of January, to explain the motives by which he had been influenced, and to show that the King had obtained a considerable pecuniary gain by that operation; and, on the 20th of April, he returned to the same subject, recommending large purchases of tobacco, and expressing the opinion, that the carrying on of an extensive trade with the West would be the only means of protecting Louisiana against the resentment of the American settlements on the Ohio.

It appears by another of Mirò's despatches, that the whole revenue derived by the Government from the commerce of Louisiana, including the net produce of the  p309 seizure and sale of contraband goods, amounted, in 1790, to 529,304 silver reales, or $66,163.

On the 18th of May, the King, alarmed at the revolutionary ideas which seemed to spread with fearful rapidity, had recourse to an expedient, which provokes a smile, and which does not redound much to the credit of the inventive faculties of the royal brains, or of those of his advisers. It consisted in the prohibition of the introduction into Louisiana of boxes, clocks, and coin, stamped with the figure of a woman dressed in white and holding a banner in her hand, with this inscription: American Liberty. It was feared that there might be a tongue and a voice in these inanimate objects. So much for the year 1791. But, in 1852, where is in the world the humble cottage and the royal palace in which the influence of American Liberty is not felt, despite the proscription of this hateful inscription?

The French revolution, which had commenced in 1789, had produced one in St. Domingo in 1791, in that part of the island which belonged to France. The negroes, who, by a decree of the National Convention sitting in Paris, had been assimilated to the whites, being stimulated to go beyond the granted equality, and to claim, not only superiority over their brethren who could not boast of a black skin, but also the exclusive enjoyment of life and property to their detriment, rose upon those who had been their former masters, and butchered them without distinction of age or sex. Those who escaped from the tender mercies of the new-fledged, dark-faced freemen and citizens of France, fled to Cuba, Jamaica, the United States, and Louisiana. Among the refugees who sought an asylum in New Orleans, was a company of comedians from Cape Français, who opened a theatre short time after their arrival. From that circumstance dates the origin of regular dramatic exhibitions  p310 in New Orleans. The new comers sought to make a living in the best way they could, and more than one wealthy sugar planter, more than one pampered son of fortune, in days which had vanished like a dream, were seen opening humble schools, and became teachers of the alphabet, and of dancing, fencing, or fiddling. They were not few, those who were reduced even to lower occupations. But they generally bore their misfortunes with becoming fortitude and dignity, and some rose again to rank and wealth.

The administration of Mirò terminated with the year 1791. This officer sailed for Spain, where he continued his military career, and, from the rank of Brigadier General, rose to that of Mariscal de Campo, or Lieutenant General. "He carried with him, says Judge Martin in History of Louisiana, "the good wishes and the regrets of the colonists." Mirò was not a brilliant man, like his predecessor Galvez, but had a sound judgment, a high sense of honor, and an excellent heart. He possessed two qualities which are not always found together — suavity of temper and energy; he had received a fair college education, possessed several languages, was remarkable for his strict morality and his indefatigable industry, and joined to his other qualifications the long experience of one who had not lived in vain. He was a native of Catalonia, and had some of the distinguishing traits of the population of that province. He left Louisiana entirely reconciled to the Spanish domination, which had been gradually endeared to the inhabitants by the enlightened and wise deportment of almost every officer who had ruled over them. Another circumstance head contributed to operate a sort of fusion, and establish bonds of friendship and consanguinity between the two races. Thus, the most eminent among the Spaniards had, either from the shrewd  p311 inspirations of policy, or from the spontaneous impulse of the heart, allied themselves to the families of the natives. Governor Unzaga had married a Maxent, Governor Galvez, her sister; the commissary of war, Don Juan Antonio Gayarré, the son of the royal comptroller, had married Constance de Grandpré; the intendant Odoardo, her sister; Bouligny, who since became Colonel of the regiment of Louisiana, a D'Auberville; Colonel Piernas, a de Porneuf; Governor Mirò, a Macarty; Colonel, and afterwards, Governor Gayoso de Lemos, a Miss Watts; and so on with many others whom it is unnecessary to mention. These were remarkable examples, which had never been given by the French Governors, and but seldom by the other high dignitaries of Louisiana, before it became a Spanish colony.

The Author's Notes:

1 A copy of which letter was immediately forwarded by Gardoqui to Mirò.

2 M. Gardoqui me aseguró que siendo mi servicio conexo con el de S. M. su tesoro me satisfaria los gastos.

3 Requirirá como quatro cientos pesos para facilitarme el tratar con aquellos gentes comoda y decentemente.

4 Mirò's communication to White, on the 20th of April, 1789.

5 He had then to fulfil the functions both of Governor and Intendant united in one person.

6 Se nombrarán otros dirigidos á esta capital con el objeto de entregarse bajo el dominio de S. M.

7 Sigilo y cautela.

8 Al leer el oficio del dicho capuchino me estremeci. — Mirò's Despatch.

9 All these documents are retranslated from a Spanish translation.

10 Despues de leer las expresadas cartas fué, que si estas no tenian fuertes pruebas de autenticidad, desde luego las pronunciaba por falsas.

11 Y en fin quedé instruido del solo plan sobre que podia formarse un establecimiento en estos parajes.

12 Wilkinson is here in direct contradiction with himself, see p245. But he may have had reasons to change his sentiments and language.

13 Pero puede Vs. vivir convencido que el universal maltrato del congreso no puede hacer la menor impressionº en el amor y zelo que tengo por los intereses de la España que estaré siempre pronto á defender con mi lengua, pluma y espada.

14 Mirò's despatch of the 27th of January, 1790.

15 Siento mucho se desconfie el general Washington y el Congreso, de la conexion de Vs. conmigo; pero no me parece oportuno que Vs. se declare Español, a fin de que nuestra corte pueda sostenerle. Soy de parecer que esta idea no puede ser conveniente, y que al contrario podria acarrear prejudiciales resultas. Disímule Vs. pues, y trabaje como promete y arriba le indico.

16 Por que creo muy conveniente el tratar con este individual que podrá aclararme mucho la conducta del expresado brigadier y lo que se puede esperar de sus proyectos.

17 Esclavos de la España.

18 Llave del Reyno de Nueva España.

19 Mirò's despatch of the 10th of August, 1790. McGillivray's letter to Mirò, May 8th, 1790.

20 Siendo mas poderosa la costumbre contraria en esta gente maquinal que todas las persuasiones con que se intente reducirlos a desposarse por la Iglesia; de modo que el obligarlos a ello seria indubitablemente un motivo, no solo de general descontento sino acaso de pesimas consequencias. Estos amos perderian infaliblemente algunos de sus esclavos que se irian profugos, si se les quisiese sugetar a contraer verdaderos matrimonios, por la preocupacion que reina entre ellos de ser esa una doble esclavitud, y un manantial de disgustos por las discordias continuas que tienen los casados de esta clase, y de que viven exentos los que no lo son, acreditado uno y otro por larga experiencia entre los negros.

21 Martin's History of Louisiana, vol. II, p105.

Thayer's Notes:

a A critique of Gayarré's view of this entire episode — Miró was a liar — is found in the Louisiana Historical Quarterly, Vol. II, No. 1: Fray Antonio de Sedella, an Appreciation, by C. W. Bishpam; another critique — Sedella was a blackmailer — in the Catholic Historical Review, Vol. VIII, No. 1: Pere Antoine, Supreme Officer of the Holy Inquisition of Cartagena, in Louisiana.

b For the Creek-Scottish chieftain's career, see Part III, Chapter 4. Alexander McGillivray figures prominently in several other parts of this site as well: links to them, including the portrait of him by Trumbull, are collected in my note there.

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