Grant Foreman • The Five Civilized Tribes

Halleck Tustenuggee and his band of seventy warriors on April 16, 1843 fought with the United States forces the last battle of the Florida War. The Federal troops found the Seminole making a last stand upon an island in the Great Wahoo Swamp, and after an irregular fight of two hours, routed them. The loss was slight on both sides. Halleck Tustenuggee was a skillful warrior; bold and daring in his policy, yet capable of dissimulation and treachery. He had been the object of pursuit for two years, but his unceasing vigilance had enabled him to bid defiance to government troops. Now however, destitute of powder and provisions he was forced to sue for peace. He came into the American camp boldly, shook hands with Gen. William J. Worth, and proclaimed his pacific purpose. His professions were treated with great apparent respect. He wanted provisions for his people. They were encamped three miles from General Worth's quarters, and were fed at public expense. And when the whole band had come within the lines for the purpose of attending a feast, they were secured as prisoners, and immediately sent to Tampa Bay for emigration; and, on July 14, this entire band, consisting of 120 persons embarked for Fort Gibson by way of New Orleans.⁠1

A large part of the Seminole emigrants could obtain no adjustment of their problems in the West. The failure of the Government to provide their needy people with implements with which to prepare their land for cultivation and shelters in which to live; the unalterable opposition of many of them to amalgamation with the Creeks and the contention over the Negro slaves kept them in a ferment, prevented their settling p237 down and adjusting themselves to their new surroundings. So Wild Cat and Alligator, two of the shrewdest men in the tribe, organized a delegation to Washington to see what could be accomplished by interviewing the responsible heads of Indian administration. Wild Cat financed the journey and the Cherokee merchant Richard Fields, living at Bayou Menard seven miles east of Fort Gibson, went along to care for the party.

Through some influence, Black Dirt, Halleck Tustenuggee, Pascofa, and other Seminole chiefs remaining at home were induced to sign a statement condemning the members of the delegation and ascribing to them unworthy motives in making the journey.⁠2 When Wild Cat heard the charges against him he wrote a letter to General Worth denying that he was going to mix in politics:

"It is true I am going to Washington on business of my people. We have been conquered. Look at us! A distracted people, alone without a home, without annuities, destitute of provisions, and without a shelter for our women and children, strangers in a foreign land, dependent upon the mercy and tolerance of our red brethren the Cherokees; transported to a cold climate, naked, without game to hunt, or fields to plant, or huts to cover our poor little children; they are crying like wolves, hungry, cold, and destitute."⁠3

When the delegation returned home they found their people encamped on the prairies in the neighborhood of Fort Gibson, destitute of food. The great flood of 1844 in the Grand and Arkansas rivers had driven them from their homes, with the loss of practically all their possessions; not only destroying the crops in the ground, but sweeping off the old corn in the cribs. Two hundred and thirty-five sufferers by this calamity were left entirely destitute, subsisting themselves on berries and what they could obtain by begging. To relieve their suffering Col. R. B. Mason, commandant at Fort Gibson, issued rations to them.

The Seminole living on Deep Fork, Elk Creek, and Little River, in the Creek Nation, said their agent Thomas L. Judge, had a large amount of corn, potatoes, and rice on hand; and appearances promised a fair average crop in the autumn, in which event they would have a surplus. p238 They were also raising melons, pumpkins, and beans, and had increased their stock of horses, cattle and hogs.

"And all about them evinces that they see the necessity of throwing themselves on their resources to procure the necessities of life.

"The great cause of dissatisfaction to the Seminoles is, that they have no country they can call their own; this has a tendency to depress their feelings, and is a continual source of uneasiness; and, until removed, it need not be expected that they will become content. They utterly repudiate the idea of becoming a constituent part of the Creek Nation, or submitting to the Creek laws in the remotest degree. . . . And I am fully convinced it would be highly impolitic and improper that it should take place or that the government should make any attempt to make them a constituent part of the Creek nation. . . . I have no hesitation in saying the farther apart these two people are the better for both."

"Among the poor, neglected and despised Seminoles, there is as much honor and integrity as among any other tribe, though they may be far advance of them in the habits of civilized life; and to their credit it can be said, that the intercourse of the sexes is confined to the connubial state — no cases of infidelity in this respect occur among them. They have great affection for their children; pay much deference to their wives; and when at home in their familes,º appear to appreciate the enjoyments of the domestic circle. I admit, however, with all their good qualities, they have many bad ones; but if left to themselves, and not instigated by bad white men, they would have much fewer of these. They are extremely indolent; though, in view of their recent removal from a congenial climate, where the spontaneous production of the soil supplied them with nearly all their wants, so that little exertion was required on their part, this is not a matter of surprise. Under similar circumstances, the same result would have attended the whites. Most of them however, have become sensible of the change of circumstances, and that exertion is necessary on their part to obtain the necessaries of life; and they are applying themselves accordingly, and no doubt this eventually will be the case with most of them; and it would tend to produce this result if they had a country they could call their own."⁠4

p239 The Seminole tribe met in council July 31, 1844 and the agent availed himself of the opportunity to take their census. The total reported by all the towns or bands was 3,136 exclusive of Negroes. Of these, 400 belonged to the Apalachicola band, with Econchatti Micco as chief. "Blunter's Band" headed by their chief Co‑ah‑thlocco, numbered 114; and the remainder were Seminole proper.

John Douglas Bemo was a Seminole Indian with an interesting history, who distinguished himself in the service of his people. The son of a chief he was also the nephew of the militant and colorful Osceola. In 1834 while a small boy he was carried away from his house in Florida. One of his abductors was a man named Jean Bemeau from whom the boy received his name. He was taken to sea and for eight years sailed before the mast. In 1842 his ship made the port of Philadelphia and while there he visited the Mariner's Church and met the pastor, Rev. Orson Douglas. The minister said that Bemo was one of the most extraordinary characters he had ever met; he was greatly concerned about the persecution of the Seminole tribe at the hands of the Government, and expressed a strong desire to return to and serve his unhappy people.

Bemo was received into the church and plans were made to fit him to teach and preach to the Seminole people in their western home. Mr. Douglas in September 1842 "put him into of the best schools our city affords, so that all the instruction needful to prepare him to be a blessing to his people had been furnished. He is so desirous to do them good that his mind is bent on returning" to them in the fall of 1843, "to live or die with them & for them. It seems to us a singular providence, that, while they are so prejudiced against the whites, one of their number should be raised up of God for their welfare. When Osceola died at the fort near Charleston, John was present and sent word by the warriors that so soon as they ceased fighting he would return & be their chief." It is the Rev. Orson Douglas who is writing the commissioner of Indian affairs for assistance in sending John Bemo to the Seminole Nation in the West; he offers to take the Indian to Washington for the commissioner to interview him.⁠5

The next month Mr. Douglas wrote the secretary of war that he p240 had done everything possible to prepare John for the field of usefulness among his people. "His whole heart is filled," he said, "with the desire to return to his people to promote their temporal and spiritual welfare. For prudence, foresight, honesty, & real piety, he is surpassed by few persons I have evenº known."⁠6 Bemo reached the Seminole agency about November 1 and after reporting to the agent, Thomas L. Judge, visited among his people and talked to them about starting a school; his unselfish interest in and desire to serve his countrymen made a decidedly favorable impression on them.⁠7

The agent said that Bemo was a very promising young Seminole. His school was opened about March 15, 1844.

On the first opening, there were forty children in attendance; they came under the impression that they would be found their meals; but finding that this was not the fact, the numbers were soon reduced to fifteen; at which it has remained stationary. . . . Those are making good progress; all of them have got through the alphabet and some of them commenced spelling; they are much pleased and are very attentive, and no doubt the school will increase. John Bemo's course has fully sustained the good opinion his friends have formed of him; and, no doubt, if he continues faithful, he will be instrumental in dispensing much good to his people. He preaches regularly once, and frequently twice a week, to full houses; his congregations are principally blacks though several Seminoles have joined the Church since he came among them; and a marked change has taken place in the manners and habits of the Indians immediately in the neighborhood of the school, which evinces that he has exercised a salutary influence over them."⁠8

"Many wealthy, influential friends of the Indians, believe that John was raised up by Providence as an instrument in forwarding their benevolent views towards them," wrote Rev. Mr. Douglas to the commissioner of Indian affairs. Among them a recent letter from the commissioner had "produced no little consternation, suprise, & sorrow" because he opposed the plans of the church people to have Bemo return to Philadelphia where they desired to lionize him and further prepare p241 him for church work in the Indian Territory. They had raised $100 for John's expenses home and supposing he was to be allowed to come, Mr. Douglas expressed their appreciation to an audience of more than 2,000 people. John had written that he would be ready to start as soon as the necessary funds should reach him. Mr. Douglas was at a loss what to say to his congregation to account for John's failure to return.

The delegation of Seminole Indians had recently been in Washington and Mr. Douglas raised "hundreds of dollars in money, cloaths, trinkets, & tools for Wild Cat & his party & paid all their extra expenses while here." Here then was the seat of the hostility of the commissioner who had no sympathy for Wild Cat or his grievances and because of the interest of the church people in their welfare, imagined that through John Bemo they might give aid and comfort to the dauntless Coacoochee and his partisans. Mr. Douglas said further that he had just heard from Wild Cat on his arrival home "that the high water had swept away their little property, & they must suffer unless rations are given them from Fort Gibson. Will you let us feed them? The poor creatures, many of them will be naked this winter. Shall we cloath them? They are ignorant. Shall we teach them? Then hasten John here to his friends, and we will furnish the means."⁠9

Bemo did come to Philadelphia, however, early in the spring of 1845 and through the aid of Rev. Mr. Douglas and his friends he was entered in the school at Easton where he applied himself to his studies until October when he returned to his people and resumed his labors.⁠10

The Seminole agent was convinced that it was impossible to effect any marked change in the habits and character of the adult Indians; that the only way to make any permanent improvement in the tribe was through the children to be educated in the schools he hoped would be established in their country; and conducted by competent teachers who had dedicated their lives to the improvement of the Indians; teachers whose example and precept copied by the children would p242 unconsciously mould their character. He pointed to the example of Fort Coffee Academy and said that "the Choctaws (much to their credit, and to the honor of those who have aided them in the good work) are the pioneers in establishing a permanent system of education for their people in their own country"; and he thought that within the limitations of their means the Seminole might copy them.

Dissatisfaction and unrest were now becoming importunate. The Cherokee Indians thought they had tolerated the Seminole on their lands long enough. The Seminole refused to conform to government policies and submit to the Creek dominion over them. The Creeks were disappointed at not having the Seminole Negroes in their power, and the latter were in great alarm for their safety. All had been deceived; all had been wronged. And this feeling was growing daily until it seemed that hostilities were imminent. In vain had the officials endeavored to suppress this feeling.

The Government then decided upon another effort to bend the Seminole Indians to its policy. What was called a treaty between the Creeks and Seminole and the United States was entered into on January 4, 1845. The preamble of the treaty recited:

Whereas it was stipulated, in the fourth article of the Creek Treaty of 1833, that the Seminoles should thenceforward be considered a constituent part of the Creek Nation, and that a permanent and comfortable home should be secured for them on the lands set apart in said treaty as the country of the Creeks; and whereas many of the Seminoles have settled and are now living in the Creek country, while others, constituting a large portion of the tribe, have refused to make their homes in any part thereof, assigning as a reason that they are unwilling to submit to Creek laws and government, and that they are apprehensive of being deprived, by the Creek authorities, of their property; and whereas repeated complaints have been made to the United States government, that those of the Seminoles who refused to go into the Creek country, have, without authority or right, settled upon lands secured to other tribes, and that they have committed depredations upon the property of those upon whose lands they have intruded"

By the terms of the treaty the Creeks agreed that the Seminole Indians might settle in a body or separately in any part of the Creek Nation; that they could make their own town regulations, subject however to the general control of the Creek council, in which they p243 should have representation. "The Seminoles having expressed a desire to settle in a body on Little River, some distance westward of the present residence of the greater portion of them," it was agreed that rations should be issued to them while removing and for six months thereafter. And the Government agreed to pay them the beggarly sum of $15,400 promised them in the Treaty of 1832 in exchange for their vast holdings in Florida. This meager consideration was payable to them on their arrival in the West and was therefore several years overdue. Annuities amounting to $17,000 promised them in the Treaty of 1832 and withheld for fifteen years were now again promised the Indians. And "in full satisfaction and discharge of all claims for property left or abandoned in Florida at the request of the officers of the United States, under promise of remuneration" they were belatedly to have the miserly sum of $1,000.⁠11

The real bone of contention, the source of nearly all the bitter hostility, the controversy revolving round the Seminole Negroes, was disposed of in a few evasive words incorporated in section three:

"It is mutually agreed by the Creeks and Seminoles, that all contested cases between the two tribes, concerning the right of property, growing out of sales or transactions that may have occurred previous to the ratification of this treaty, shall be subject to the decision of the President of the United States."

This document drawn by officials of the Government made no allusion to the Seminole Negroes, but the Seminole delegates being persuaded that it had the effect of protecting them in their legal rights, agreed to it.

Pursuant to the terms of the treaty, in the following autumn and winter a number of Seminole and their slaves removed to the Creek country in the vicinity of Little River⁠12 where prairie land predominated. The Seminole Negroes established themselves in villages separate from the Indians, whereupon the Creeks proceeded to assert ownership over them. The Negroes then appealed to General Arbuckle for the protection promised them by General Jesup in Florida.

The Government had agreed in the treaty to subsist them for six months from June of that year and as they arrived in their new location too late to make a crop or adequately to house themselves against the p244 weather, and as the succeeding winter was unusually severe, there was much suffering among these people so recently from Florida where they had never seen snow. The subsistence furnished by the Government terminated in the middle of the winter and most of them would have starved but for the fact that a kind hearted agent took the authority to provide them with food.

In the treaty the Seminole were guaranteed the right of self government so far as related to their "town laws" but were required to acknowledge the supremacy of the Creek general council. The Seminole tribe was divided into twenty-five towns or bands. There had been twenty-seven but upon the death of their headmen two attached themselves to other bands. Each town had its own governor or head man and town laws; the general council of the Seminole tribe having a supervisory control over all the towns.⁠13 In the council a majority of the head men with the approbation of the king or governor passed laws for the government of their people, provided they did not conflict with the laws of the Creek general council.

Many of the Seminole were accommodating themselves to their new environment in a better spirit, induced by the opportunity to govern themselves and relieved from the oppression of white people about them. Tending their fields in common they were raising some stock, corn, sweet potatoes, rice, beans and ground nuts or goober peas. Their cabins were an improvement on their former habits; simply furnished with a few necessities, a stool or two, pestle and mortar for crushing corn, sofka spoons, hominy baskets, two or three pots or kettles, with a buffalo or deer hide in the corner serving as a bed. The Seminole espoused no form of worship, said their agent DuVal; their views on that subject were expressed in the words: "to live as you please but die brave." In the presence of death and an opportunity to speak, the dying Seminole would say: "I am a man and a warrior, and not afraid to die."⁠14

After Wild Cat returned from his visit to Washington in the winter of 1845‑46 he accompanied Gov. Pierce M. Butler and M. G. Lewis to Texas to aid them in their successful effort to conclude a treaty with the Comanche of that state. Noting the opportunity revealed to him on p245 this western expedition, with Halleck Tustenuggee, Oktiarche and other Seminole, he went out on the western prairies on an "exploring hunt."⁠a

"They were gone about six weeks and on their return Wild Cat held a meeting with his people on Little River when he told them of the scenes through which he had passed and the sights he had seen; of the Indians he had met and smoked with, and the word they had sent to their red brothers, the Seminole; of how pleasing it would be to the Great spirit when he saw the white smoke ascending to the heavens which arose from the pipe of peace smoked by the Seminole and their brothers of the prairies. He had met four different bands or tribes, and had a kind of council or friendly talk, and it was agreed among them to meet again about the first of September, and have a fuller understanding, so that they might always be friends. The agent informed Wild Cat and the other Seminole at the council of the recent triumphs of Gen. Zachary Taylor in Mexico. They were somewhat incredulous at first, but when satisfied of the truth of the report Wild Cat said "Mexicans, maybe so, they cant fight; maybe they better quit and make friends; might get whipped some more; Mexicans not as good as Seminoles to fight; General Taylor big man now, but I chase him back once myself; Seminoles make him run in Florida."⁠15

Wild Cat soon headed another party of about 240 men to keep the appointment he had made with the Comanche Indians and engage in a protracted trading and hunting expedition. They took with them a large quantity of merchandise to trade to the prairie Indians, for peltries and mules, which they expected to dispose of for a handsome profit nearer home, and pay for the merchandise they took with them; and it was anticipated that if the venture were successful it would be followed by others. However the hunt was a failure and the price of peltries at home did not realize the profit they expected.⁠16

At this period most of the Seminole Indians were living between the North Fork of the Canadian and the Little River on the north side of the main Canadian River. Their territory was mostly prairie land well adapted to farming and raising stock. The preceding winter had been one of the coldest ever known in the country and caused much suffering among these immigrants unused to such cold and and unprepared p246 to resist it. Mikanopy was the principal chief, and Wild Cat, his "Counsellor and organ, who has to assist him in determining what the king ought to do; there were also five sub-chiefs: Tussekiah, Oktiarchee, Pascofar, Echo-mathla, and Passuckee Yohola, who may be called his executive council."⁠17

In 1847 the Seminole raised a bountiful crop of corn, rice, potatoes, pumpkins, goober peas and beans, and Mr. DuVal, their agent said they would bear comparison as agriculturalists with any other tribe on the border. Mutual jealousy between them and the Creeks continued but no serious difficulties had occurred. The subject of education, the agent observed, was little thought of; "As it was only intended for white people they feel themselves and desire to be considered, as perfectly satisfied to walk in the foot-steps of their predecessors, showing, as far as mental improvement is concerned, a philosophy in being satisfied with their present state."

By 1849 the condition of these Indians had changed but little. They paid scant attention to any kind of stock; if it prospered, all very well; but if not, they said that they had bad luck, or that if they had been in Florida their stock would not have required attention.⁠18 A good many of them went out to hunt, not so much for profit as from habit. They were on good terms with all tribes but the Creeks. The Seminole annuities were merged with those of that tribe and some of the former claiming they were discriminated against, believed they fared better by enrolling as Creeks.

There had been no school in the Seminole Nation but that of John Bemo;⁠19 and preparations were made by the Presbyterian Board to open one under Rev. John Lilley who arrived at the station on October 20, 1848. He erected a log structure for a mission school called Oak Ridge in which he and his wife, J. D. Bemo and his wife, and a few others instructed Seminole children. This school, the only one then in the Seminole Nation, was begun in October 1849 and continued for ten years. By 1854 it was reported that the Seminole were beginning to lay aside their Indian dress in favor of that of the white man.⁠20

The Author's Notes:

2 Micco Nupper and others to Crawford, April 20, 1844, OIA, Seminole File M 1941.

3 Arkansas Intelligencer, March 30, copied in United States Gazette (Philadelphia) May 18, 1844.

4 Judge to Armstrong, August 26, 1844: Report of commissioner of Indian affairs, 1844.

5 Douglas to Crawford, August 15, 1843, OIA, Seminole File D 816. As Osceola died about January, 1838, Bemo must have returned from his wanderings to visit his uncle during his confinement in Fort Moultrie.

8 Judge to Armstrong, January 29, 1844; ibid., August 26, 1844: Report of commissioner of Indian affairs, 1844.

10 Bemo lived a life of usefulness as a school teacher and preacher. He married a Creek woman named Harriet Lewis and located near the Creek agency northwest of Muskogee where he lived until his death. He had three sons and one daughter whom he named Iona in remembrance of the beautiful Ionian Islands among which he had sailed. His sons, were Alex Orson, Douglas, and John. Bemo's descendants lived until recent years on the old homestead which was taken as his Creek allotment by one of his sons.

12 Report of William Armstrong, September 30, 1845; Arkansas Gazette, February 7, 1846, p1.

13 DuVal to commissioner, October 15, 1846: Report of commissioner of Indian affairs, 1846.

16 Arkansas Intelligencer, October 3, 1846, p2, col. 1; Report of commissioner of Indian affairs, 1846.

Thayer's Note:

a The passage that follows includes two opening quotation marks, but only one closing quotation mark. I have not found the original newspaper issue online; my best guess is that the entire passage is a quote from the source indicated in Foreman's footnote; i.e., that the last bit ("Mexicans, maybe so. . .") should properly be in single quotes, followed by a closing double quotation mark.

[ Seminole ]

p236 Chapter seventeen
Oppose Union With Creeks

The Author's Notes:

Thayer's Note:

[ Seminole ]

p236 Chapter seventeen Oppose Union With Creeks

The Author's Notes:

Thayer's Note:

p236 Chapter seventeen
Oppose Union With Creeks