Dutch Explorers in the Delaware Valley • 7: The Secret Instructions for Peter Minuit

In the previous chapter, the reader saw the Swedes coming into the Delaware River under the leadership of Peter Minuit, the ex-governor of New Netherland, to compete with the Dutch. In the shift of Minuit's loyalty from Holland to Sweden lies an interesting story which, because of the paucity of information, cannot be completely told; nevertheless, sufficient data are available to give us a general understanding of what led up to his apparent double-dealing. Six years before, in the spring of 1632, while still in the employ of the West India Company, he had returned to Holland from Manhattan on the Eendraght ("unity"). He and other members of his official family had been summoned to Amsterdam for questioning. Among these others were Jan Lampo, schout-fiscal; Peter Bylvelt, councillor; Gerrit Mattheusz de Reux, farm manager; Johan van Remund, secretary; and Jonas Michaëlius, New Netherland's first minister of the Reformed Church.⁠1 Coenraed Notelman, who replaced Jan Lampo as schout-fiscal, had brought the directive from Amsterdam ordering Minuit and the others to return home. In this shakeup, Bastian Jansz Krol, then commander at Fort Orange, was transferred to Manhattan to serve in Minuit's place until his return.⁠2 It should be emphasized that Minuit was not discharged, nor did he resign from the Company's service at the time of his recall.

p160 From 1626, when the council named him to succeed Willem Verhulst, until the arrival of Notelman on the Eendraght with the fateful orders, Minuit had been the Company's ranking officer in New Netherland. During this six-year tenure he had evidently served the Company to the satisfaction of a majority of the directors or they would have replaced him earlier. The limited data now available pertaining to his official acts consists of several Indian deeds bearing his signature; a few letters written by him; reports, journals, and both official and private correspondence in which his name is briefly mentioned. These allow but a fleeting glimpse of his administration, but nothing that can be seen suggests that he was not a capable and conscientious administrator, well regarded by his employers, at least until the terminal months of his American tenure.

Minuit must be given credit for recognizing the importance of concentrating the population on Manhattan Island, which one historian says extended into the sea "like a great natural pier ready to receive the commerce of the world."⁠3 Minuit must have seen the commercial possibilities of this location, and the record of pelts which passed through this port during his administration is proof of his business acumen. From 1626 to 1632, while he was in office, some 47,196 beaver skins and 5,388 otter skins were obtained from the Indians and shipped to Holland.⁠4 These pelts were of prime interest to the Company, representing the major source of income.

Not only had Minuit developed Manhattan Island as a port of trade and the capital of New Netherland, but he had also purchased Staten Island from the Indians in 1630, on behalf of the patroon Michiael Pauw, for "Duffles, Kittles, Axes, Hoes, p161 Wampum, Drilling Awls, Jews Harps and diverse other small wares."⁠5

Minuit successfully operated a farm, or bowerie, on Manhattan, which he leased from the Company, with the consent of the directors. To care for his livestock and crops he employed a foreman and farmers, including a runaway English lad who taught his employers to plant and cure tobacco using the methods practiced in Virginia. The tobacco plants were sown in the fall, covered with manure during the winter, and transplanted in the spring to mature.⁠6 Minuit's farm, incidentally, was granted by the Company to his successor, Wouter van Twiller, after his recall, although Minuit was permitted to sell his goods and livestock.

There has been preserved, in certain personal correspondence, information relating to the animosity that developed between Minuit and two of his immediate associates — Johan van Remund, the secretary, and Jonas Michaëlius, the minister. This friction immediately preceded and was a factor in Minuit's recall to Holland. Unfortunately, this information is neither complete nor unbiased, for it is taken from the personal letters of persons prejudiced either for or against Minuit. Van Remund and Minuit were, in the words of Sijmon Dircxz Pos (as his name is spelled in the records), one of the letter writers and a councillor at Manhattan, "very much embittered against one another." As a result of this clash, Pos remarked that "all is left to drift as it will; they let trade slip away . . . but are very diligent in bringing exorbitant suits and charges against one another and in neglecting the interests and business of the directors."⁠7

Pos also wrote to van Rensselaer in a letter dated at Manhattan, September 16, 1630, that "the minister Jonas Michielsz p162 [Michaëlius] is very energetic here stirring up the fire between them; he ought to be a mediator in God's church and community but he seems to me to be the contrary."⁠8 Michaëlius, on the other hand, had his own biased opinion of Minuit. In a letter dated at Manhattan September 13, 1630, he wrote to a correspondent in Holland that the governor "is most unworthy of his office; a slippery man, who under the treacherous mask of honesty is a compound of all iniquity and wickedness . . . cruel oppressor of the innocent . . . he and his counsel cheating our Company."⁠9

The cause of the estrangement between Minuit and van Remund is not given in the correspondence, but underlying it was the split in the Company officialdom over the patroon issue, which had become keener after new directors had replaced some of the old ones. Minuit was of the party favoring the system of manorial estates, whereas van Remund represented the opposite faction, which had grown to a majority. Thus, the division of opinion at home among the directors spread across the Atlantic to the American colony, bringing about an intolerable situation in the administration of the Company's business. Pos added to his letter to van Rensselaer that "the honorable directors hear nothing but idle complaints from their subjects; one says this, the other that, so that in place of the Company's servants looking after the trading someone else in the meanwhile goes off with the skins."⁠10

Van Rensselaer, who was in a position to hear and weigh the accusations on either side, blamed van Remund for fomenting the trouble, referring to him as "this false secretary, who has slandered many men behind their backs."⁠11 Of course, as a patroon, he strongly favored the manorial system and would be p163 expected to support Minuit against the opposition party. However, other evidence points to van Remund as a troublemaker who turned others against Minuit. For example, when Michaëlius arrived at Manhattan in 1628 he chose Minuit and Jan Huygen, the storekeeper and Minuit's brother-in‑law, to serve as elders in the church there.⁠12 This suggests that initially the minister was friendly with Minuit until he fell under van Remund's influence. As the hatred between Minuit and van Remund worsened, Michaëlius said in a letter to a friend that he had "brought the whole business before the Directors of the Company," meaning that he had written letters describing the situation; he complained in these letters that he was so unhappy that he wanted to be ordered home."⁠13 Van Remund wrote to friendly supporters in the Company's inner circle, upbraiding Minuit and criticizing his actions; Marcus de Vogelaer, a director of the Amsterdam Chamber and commissioner for New Netherland affairs, was one of the executives of the anti-patroon party sympathetic to van Remund, who had come into a position of influence.⁠14 The net result of this wrangling was the recall not only of Minuit but of Remund, Michaëlius, and others to face a board of inquiry — a drastic course of action without parallel in the history of New Netherland.

En route, the Eendraght, "laden with peltries," was held in Plymouth in April of 1632, the English claiming that the Dutch had been illegally engaged in the fur trade in English territory for they so considered New Netherland.⁠15 After wordy diplomatic exchanges and heated conversations, the vessel was finally released, and Minuit arrived in Holland in June to face the directors.

p164 No records have been found of the hearing, how it was conducted, the names of the testifiers, nor the nature of the testimony. Most historians hold to the idea, recently expressed by Ellis, that "the directors recalled Minuit in 1631 because they felt he was more interested in aiding the landholders than in guarding the company's monopoly of the fur trade."⁠16 On the other hand, another authority says that the States-General, having received complaints from the patroons that the Company was not fulfilling its obligations under the Charter of Freedoms, "set on foot an investigation of the Director, the patroons, and the West India Company itself, with the result that in 1632 Minuit was recalled and the power of the patroons was limited."⁠17

The Company was under severe criticism, at the time of the recall of Minuit and his associates, for having incurred unnecessary expenses in the American venture. Doubtless Minuit bore the brunt of this criticism, and who is to say that some of it was not warranted? The Company was accused of bad management in allowing heavy expense for new construction in the colony instead of using its funds to increase the population by encouraging private persons to take up residence there. Among unnecessary things was "building the ship New Netherland at excessive outlay, by erecting three expensive mills, by brick-making, by tar-burning, by ash-burning, by salt-making and like operations. . . ."⁠18

Presumably these and other charges were aired during the hearing, and when everything was over, Johan van Remund was given a clean slate and returned to New Netherland to continue his official duties as secretary of the colony. As for Minuit, he was no longer in the Company's employ when the p165 hearing ended! Others beside him were involved in the judgment, for van Rensselaer wrote that Bylvelt and de Reux "were prevented from again returning thither," meaning they were banned from New Netherland, as Verhulst had been banned almost a decade earlier.⁠19 Perhaps Minuit was also forbidden from returning "thither," but this is not a certainty, since the full decision of the examiners is not known. Minuit had arrived in Amsterdam in late June; on July 20, van Rensselaer wrote that Minuit's bowerie would be taken over by van Twiller, who was "going thither as director-general," as Minuit's replacement. This means that the hearing was held in the first part of July — and that it must have been concluded with deliberate speed.

Michaëlius, who had doubtless testified against Minuit, appeared before the Consistory at Amsterdam to make an independent report in which he related "different kinds of incidents which had happened, whereby his services and person have been subjected to many disturbances and troubles." Later he sought reappointment and an opportunity to return to his flock in New Netherland, but the directors of the Amsterdam Chamber rejected his application, and thus he was also prevented from returning "thither."⁠20

So far as van Remund is concerned, chronically a troublemaker, he continued to undermine his superiors after his return to New Netherland. On April 23, 1634, van Rensselaer wrote to Director van Twiller, "The crown which the secretary [van Remund] had placed on the head of Minuit, rests now on yours; the enemies of Minuit are now yours. This crafty knave has stirred up the present minister [Everhardus Bogardus] against p166 you, as he did the former against Minuict."⁠21 Before the van Twiller administration had ended, some of the directors may have wished that they had not recalled Minuit, because van Twiller's lavish spending brought the colony to the verge of ruin; he was recalled in 1637 and replaced by Willem Kieft.

How Minuit, resentful over his treatment by the Company, left Holland and found employment with a Swedish company organized under Dutch influence has been told in detail elsewhere.⁠22 What has not been brought into sharp focus is the unique qualifications possessed by Minuit to command a Swedish expedition to the Delaware River where the Dutch had failed in their settlement efforts. There can be no question that Minuit, at the time he was engaged by Sweden, knew more about New Netherland than any other living person. He had been a member of the Verhulst expedition; he was the Director-General when the Walloons abandoned their settlement on Burlington Island and returned to Manhattan; he issued the patents to Hossitt for the patroons; he was still in office when the Indians massacred the settlers at Swanendael. He had explored the Delaware River system for minerals, as Verhulst was instructed to have him do. He must have known that the two major tributaries, the Schuylkill and Minquas Kill, were vital arteries in the Minquas beaver trade. He was fully aware of the absence of fortifications to block the entrance to Delaware Bay and River, and he knew that Fort Nassau was too far upstream to deter his plans to found a settlement on the Minquas Kill. It was he who had informed Godyn about the opportunities for whale fishing in the Delaware. He p167 had long experience in the Indian trade and knew exactly what type of merchandise — duffels, axes, hatchets, mirrors, chains, finger rings, combs — was in greatest demand and would bring the maximum number of pelts. He realized the importance of bringing farmers who knew how to raise tobacco and grain. Above all, as an ex-governor, he knew the weaknesses and strengths of the West India Company, their procedures and philosophies of doing business, and he had access to many of their confidential reports not intended for the eyes of outsiders. In short, he was an ideal man for a competitor to hire!

Two vessels were rigged and outfitted for the long voyage across the Atlantic, a man o'war called the Kalmar Nyckel ("Key of Calmar"), usually referred to as the "ship," and a yacht, the Vogel Grip ("Bird Griffin"). A small sloop, to be used in the Indian trade, was carried by the Kalmar Nyckel. The crews of the two vessels were half Dutch, half Swedish. Jan Hindrickson van der Water was engaged as skipper of the Kalmar Nyckel, with Michel Symonssen, who was well acquainted with the North American coast, as first mate. Andrian Jöransen was skipper of the Grip. Both, of course, were subordinate to Minuit. In case of mishap, Symonssen was to take Minuit's place. Memorials and other papers were issued to the officers, according to custom, and a set of secret instructions was given to Minuit.

These secret instructions, written in Dutch, were intended only for Minuit's eyes. One reason for secrecy was the extreme importance of keeping the information away from the Dutch, because the Swedes feared strong opposition if news of the expedition leaked out to the West India Company. The instructions are anonymous, although Johnson suggested that Samuel Blommaert drafted and revised them.⁠23 Blommaert had left the West India Company and gone over to the Swedes, originally p168 proposing a Swedish settlement on the Guinea coast to exploit the copper trade.

On the other hand, Minuit argued for developing the fur trade with the Indians and founding a colony in America to be known as New Sweden — a term that evidently was first used by him.⁠24 Minuit's idea was readily accepted by Blommaert (who invested 3,600 riksdalers in the project) and by the other Swedish and Dutch stockholders, who invested a total of 14,400 riksdalers, equivalent to 36,000 florins — approximately $15,000.⁠25

Sprinchorn believed that the secret instructions may have been written by Minuit.⁠26 There is little question that the author of the instructions (or one of the authors) was familiar with the geography of the New Netherlands, and Minuit had been there, whereas Blommaert had not. Furthermore, Blommaert's letters are so different in style from the instructions that it is unlikely he was the composer, although he may have had a hand in them.

The secret instructions, which have not previously been translated into English, are preserved in manuscript in the Royal Archives in Stockholm. A microfilm copy may be consulted in the Memorial Library of the University of Delaware. There are also, in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, two transcripts of the manuscript: one anonymous, the other by Sprinchorn. In the translation by Dunlap which follows, proper names are as they originally appeared; punctuation is often supplied.

p169 Instruction for the director, Peter Minuit, who as director shall sail to the coast of Florida with the ship named Calmer Sleutel, whose captain is Jan Hendricksen van de Waeter and the yacht named [blank],⁠27 whose captain is Erassmus Jeurianse.

So in the summer it shall be, as you shall depart out of Gottenborch, you shall fix your course to run around behind Schottland and to sail then in a suitable course of approximately 44 degrees, and, if it is feasible, to touch Ille de Sable, since we gladly would have proper inspection made there.

Concerning the same island, if it [the time] is in the middle of the summer, while it is smooth there, search everywhere with the boat, sounding the depths, to see if there is an entrance through which to bring ships, and note the condition that on the east side as well as on the northwest run reefs, and between them [we have] knowledge that a good haven exists.

You shall make a good sketch, for this island, of all havens, roads, steads, and other places.

You shall bring the sloop to land and there let the carpenter start operations, making sure that it [i.e., the work] is well done.

While the sloop is being put in shape, explore the island in order to become familiar with its possibilities.

You shall diligently undertake, since there are many black foxes there, to find out if any of these could be got hold of; to that end you shall take with you a suitable hound as well as a brach.

You shall also diligently inquire concerning [other] animals, since for a long time animals have been thought to be very abundant there.

And as it would be convenient for us to have a few calves in the Seuyt Reviere [i.e., South, or Delaware River], if it shall be found advisable (since in the Minques kill⁠28 we intend to take possession) p170 you shall [exercise] diligence to get a few and take them there.

In case you find this island suitable for populating and planting a colony, in order from there with yachts and sloops to have dealings with the mainland coast as well as to have tribute from the fishing which is carried on upon the great bank of Terra Nova, and any other consequent advantages, you shall take one of the coats of arms which are hewn in stone in Sweden, erecting it there solemnly and under proper jurisdiction, taking witness by all officers that you have gone there and, finding no people on the island, have taken possession of it for the crown of Sweden, naming the same Christina⁠29 [and] the best havens likewise naming after the great in Sweden.

You shall provide the sloop with food for a voyage of two or three months, placing thereon as captain a good person who is familiar with the whole coast, and giving him the title of captain of the sloop.

If you can get hold of a few cattle there, butcher them and salt them well in order to increase your food supply, the more [of it] on land to be able to leave and the better to provide for the sloop.

You shall likewise take plenty of fishing tackle in order to fish here, and in other places, to make the ship's food supply last longer.

However, if it happens that the wind comes from the west to such a degree that you are unable to sail directly but seek the principal route in order to sail through the Caribise islands, in such event sail and fix your course between Couba and Spaniolla and, if occasion dictates, place your sloop near Saona, and if any time is [left] over, you shall cruise with the sloop between Saona and Spaniolla, where there is much more movement of small ships which come from Santo Domingo and other places; and meanwhile cruise with the ship between Mona and Saona, fixing a sure rendezvous where you shall find one another in order to proceed together to the South River, taking all care that not too much time be spent there [i.e., cruising]; and capturing some barques, you shall set the crews on land and p171 take the barques with you, first and above everything examining thoroughly the possibility of the area and the time when the greatest movement exists, without letting them know who you are or who has taken them.

Also if, in sailing, you do not go so far to the south and hold more to a middle course, you shall shun the very rocky island of Bermudes, which lies in twenty-three degrees of north latitude.

But it is our express wish that you shall do everything possible to reach the island of Sable; you shall undertake this so that you can make a satisfactory report to us of its possibilities.

Sailing from the island of Sable, or Christina, you shall fix your course in order to be able to pass properly Cabo de Mallabare, seeing to it that the sloop does not stray from you.

However, if it turns out that through misfortune or in some other way you wander from one another, you shall fix a proper rendezvous where each may meet the other, which would seem to me to be best in the foremost place where sewant is made, which is named Cromegauege.⁠30

And thus if it happens that the sloop at any time comes there before you, so shall you cause to be placed in the sloop some suitable cargoes so that meanwhile the one waiting there may barter for sewant; consequently it would be wise to place someone in the sloop who has been there and has knowledge thereof, giving the same good instructions besides.

You shall sail forth along the coast and touch all places in which sewant is to be bartered; as much as it is convenient to do, you shall also have pelt-work (if it is to be had), as well as all the traffic in sewant.

You shall then sail away secretly to the South River without touching the North River, and run to the Minquaes Kill, doing all in your power, by means of gifts, to barter with the savages so p172 that everywhere in the land you make known that you have come there to trade with them in good fellowship.

You shall with the sloop run twenty miles up to the Sankikans Kill to do the like there, and show them every friendship, before everything taking care that good watch be kept and that no trouble be made for the people by the crew.

If you send the sloop elsewhere, give special instructions that no one is to trust them [i.e., the savages]; but good watch shall be kept, as well as good care taken, so that the pelt-work obtained by barter may be well preserved and not destroyed.

You shall, if you think it thoroughly advisable, place on the Minques kill, at a point which is naturally strong for defense, a lodge or house in which the people may dwell who remain there close to the sloop.

You shall raise there with ceremony a Swedish coat of arms, taking at the same time a testimonial signed by all officers that no European nation had been found there, [and] requesting of the natives that the land be made over to the crown of Sweden, everything in the presence of the officers; and let them, in the interest of trade, subscribe to the purchase of the land in possession of the savages.⁠31

In the Sankikans kill you shall do likewise and raise a coat of arms with appropriate ceremonies, giving each a name.⁠32

The land between the two erected coats of arms you shall cause to be named New Sweden; in case you discover land at the hook of Florida, you shall name that New Sweden and this [i.e., land on the South River] New Stockholm, the same also being named with ceremonies and firing of cannon, everything with the knowledge p173 and attestation of officers, who alone the witnessing may attest.

Should you think it advisable to extend the limits higher and farther, let it be done and let the sloop go as far up the river as you can, in order to seek trade. In case you meet any French or English or Dutch or others alien to the Crown of Sweden, you shall reply to the same no more than serves full friendship.

However, if you come upon any Spaniard or Spanish ally attack them with courage and even try to prevail, but let neither ship nor yacht stand in peril, so that, in this way, the design mentioned by us above may not be concealed.

You shall also shun the limits of New Netherland in order not to become involved in any quarrel with the West India Company.

You shall then go everywhere with sloop to seek trade, sailing in and out of all rivers to the south, and saying to any savages found [there] that the severe winter immobilizes the yacht, [but] that you will come again in the spring in order to trade with them.

You shall with the tribes named Sinicus [Senecas], Minques, Maquaes [Mohawks], Astarogen, Sanckikans, Armewamecks, Sicanesen [Siconese], and other strange tribes, make arrangements for trade.

And if any time remains in which to sail southwards, you shall do so with the ship along the coast of Florida, in order to discover good possibilities, and finding [opportunity] for trade outside the English territory, you shall raise there likewise a coat of arms; and if it should prove to be a sizable land, it would be best to name it New Sweden, and to give the foregoing another name.

Of the new lands which you discover you shall make a suitable sketch, as well as keep a complete journal and daily record, so that in the event of death everything may come to our knowledge.

You shall in these quarters diligently undertake to find out if any ambergris is obtainable, as well as gold, silver, pearls, and other minerals.

And if the winter sets in early and the storms rise exceedingly in the beginning of September, do not remain there long but seek p174 betimes suitable winter quarters, as the time may be too late to explore such a place in 1637.⁠33

Accordingly you shall do the same about trade in the spring of 1638,⁠34 there is, about May, for then will be a suitable time to inspect all places.

Meanwhile allow the sloop to the follow the trade, but if it turn out that the good Lord so blesses the trade that the greater part of the cargoes are sold, you shall, without any further exploration, return home, letting the sloop with some person and a youth remain there in order to hold possession and to keep the savages loyal so that we may continue to trade there, further exploration to be done on the next voyage.

However, if it happens that through domestic strife and other hindrances the trade proves to be so bad that the greater part of the cargoes are left over, you shall accordingly fortify a little the house that is erected on the land in the Minques Kill and may take from the ship two artillery pieces with ammunition to place therein. Remain there yourself with the sloop, and send the ship over with the captain (giving him [an] extract from these instructions concerning the conduct of the return journey), letting the ship sail with approximately twenty men. The rest of the crew [is] to remain with you in the house as well as on the sloop, and it would be suitable to let the people who remain in the land be officered by the petty mate — otherwise too great a burden [would fall on you].

You shall there [in] the winter do everything possible to get trade, and likewise journey everywhere in order to further trade.

You shall keep on land as much food as you can spare and [at the same time] conveniently send the ship home.

Also, having taken along for the people suitable seeds of rye, barley, oats, buckwheat, etc., you shall choose a good place and time for the winter sowing, in order that there may be no want thereof in the spring of the next year.

p175 In the spring you shall again prepare tools in order to being the summer sowing into the earth, also green vegetables of that place.

You shall at a good opportunity sail with the sloop to the Manhates to see if you can buy there on credit, with the consent of the director, some horses, conies, sheep, goats, hogs, etc., and bring them to the Minques Kill.

In case you also have opportunity to sow more land, and seed is in short supply, endeavor there to buy the same.

And if, for this or that unanticipated inconvenience, it happens that it is impossible to make a profitable voyage, you shall exert every effort to make expenses; to that end consider tacking about with the ship and sloop to the Caribese islands and running there again to Saona in order there to entrap with the ship, between Mona and Saona, some cruising Spanish ships or barques, as before is related, letting the sloop run and haul close to the wind between Saona and the land of Spaniola.

Also consider crossing to the fast-land at Cape Caldero, between which cape and Crakes is much traffic in the months of March and April. In April and May many barques [likewise] pass by in the vicinity of Tortougas.

From there crossing to the Cabo de Tibron, which lies on the west side of Espaniola, keep watch at the little island of Navarra, where many ships pass; but you shall well look to it that you are not surprised by the fleet of Terre Firma, since it often takes this route.

In the early part of July until August do this on the northeast side of Couba, for whatever comes from Porto Rico, Sint Domingo, and the fast-land, also from Comma, Commenagotto, Sint Margeritta, comes pas Monna, through between Porto Rico and Spaniola, and along the eastside of Spaniola and Cuba.

In July two ships coming from Spain for the governor of Havana pass there; in order to watch for these conveniently you must, by night or out of sight of land, sail past Baracoa. Lying on the northeast side of Couba are modestly fine bays as far as the sandbanks,

Among the waters to be found between Capo Crus and Ille de Pinnas is coral; from the bay[s] in the general area often 4,000 p176 barges⁠35 are loaded yearly. Having been at Cartajenne, some signal barques with three or four hundred barge[load]s⁠36 and other wares [may be found] sailing on the east side of Couba and running along the north side through the other channel near Havana, since none may run along the south side at Couba Corentes and Cabo Sint Antoon for fear of the king of Spain.

From Cartaiena to Porto Bello traffic is carried on during the whole year, and below Porto Bello, on the island of Sint Andries, one can conveniently keelhaul a ship, but there is very little fresh water or [opportunity for] unsalting any.

However, since the Spanish now sail there in strength with frigates and lately seized an English and a French ship, it is thus fitting to avoid this place.

When the fleet departs, for from four to twelve days many barques come out of Havana. To have much money and other wares, watch carefully with a sloop at the Caycas near Rio de Porcas. The ship must lie at the Cape Sint Antoni or elsewhere in order not to be seen.

This is something which can be taken into consideration if things turn out badly, in order to make good the expenses.

Some of these things demand cautious proceedings; thus in view of our small numbers it would be a mistake if these came into any difficulty, and so in my judgment it would be best to watch between Saona and Spaniola.

On the other hand [it would be best to watch] between Cabo Crus and Isle de Pinnas for the ships and barques with barge[load]s⁠37 to pass.

However, we do not doubt but that the trade on the coast of Florida will turn out to be so good that nothing like this will prove necessary.

And since skippers and crews are often more inclined, and know [better] how to undertake to acquire good booty than to trade, you p177 shall communicate this instruction to no one, except the whole section related before about making good the adversities of trade or other inconveniences of the voyage.

You shall then fix your homeward course to sail to the Island of Sable in case this has not been possible in going there [to America], and do then all similarly, as was related before; it is our wish that you should undertake the exploration of this place in order to make us a thorough report thereof, keeping a complete record or draft of everything.

From there fix your course, if it is early enough, behind England, but if it should be late in the year, fix your course through the channel; and run into the river of Gottenborch, sending someone at once overland to Stockholm in order to let the honorable gentlemen of the government and company know of your arrival, requesting whether it were best to stay away, below, with the ship or to pass [through] the sound and come to Stockholm, since this is the first ship to have been out of Sweden on such a far journey.

You shall also, immediately upon your arrival above the sound, write to us here about the cargo of freight, and, in short, [inquire] whether to sail up this way at once or, below, to put cargoes aboard, to permit the ship to be sent on a second voyage before the winter.

And since, through the long-drawn-out war in Germany, otters are in small demand, which properly before used to sell for 8 of the 10 guilders, but now for 3 [guilders] or thereabouts, few come asking for otter — most for beaver and bear and other skins.

You shall take care that in the ship as on land every morning and evening a prayer is read by someone appointed to do so, and a psalm sung, and on Sunday a chapter from the New Testament [read], being sure that everyone listens to it together, with attention.

This instruction thus far agrees with a copy found in Sweden.

And if the crown of Sweden favors this company with the loan of a yacht, so suit these changes to this instruction that you shall regulate it according to the prevailing circumstances.

In case you sail so early that you are able to be in the Caribische Islands about mid-July, fix your course for the Canarise islands in p178 order to seek the principal route. Run straight for the Caribische Islands; and ahead, near the island Espaniolla on the east-south-east side, lies an island named Saona, in eighteen degrees [of latitude]. If there is a suitable opportunity, put the sloop thereupon; and while the sloop is there, cruise with the yacht d between the island and Spaniolla, between which there is much coming and going of small [blank — probably, "craft"]; and with the ship you shall run to the island Angiles, which lies north of the island Sinte Marten, and there, upon seeing a suitable [blank], in all haste take in as much salt as may conveniently be loaded, wherewith those over yonder will be able to do much trading in the yacht; you shall also run with the ship to the island Seinte Cristoffer in order somewhere there to trade wine, brandy, stockings, shoes, etc. (whatever can be spared) for tobacco, seeing to it that the tobacco is not too highly valued, and getting as much for your merchandise as is possible.

You shall there, according to opportunity, diligently undertake [to learn] (however strong the Spaniards are upon Sinte Martin) — upon what islands salt is to be had, keeping good record of everything, so that in case of death everything may come to our knowledge.

The yacht shall meanwhile remain there until the ship returns (good rendezvous — in order to find one another — having been fixed); however, since [the island] of Cristoffel is on the southeast side below [blank], it would be best to put proper merchandise on the yacht for sale on Sint Cristoffel, letting the yacht carry on trade and running with the ship to Saona in order to place the sloop thereon.

And since the sloop will not require extensive restoration, you can provide it with crew and victuals, and let it cruise between Saona and Espaniola, where in some places there is not more than ten feet of water; the ship can meanwhile cruise between Mona and Saona until the yacht returns, and should there still be time enough the ship can run to Angille aforesaid in order to load salt and yet make rendezvous for the joint crossing to Virginia.

But could Monte Cristy, on the north side of Spaniola (about the p179 middle of the island, in twenty degrees [of latitude]), be touched, determine if there is a salt-pan; if you lack salt, you can try to get salt there.

Nearby also lies Rio de Sint Nicolaes; you can run in there with the sloop and yacht. Along the west-hook of Spaniola there are skins, but you must take good heed that you are not surprised by Spaniards. Dwelling there, are about twenty or twenty-five Spaniards, who have with them a few blacks to do nothing but kill animals for the skins. Keep good watch, and above all things, under whatever protection possible, do not trust them but use all means to get into communication, offering that they may take away such goods as they desire in exchange for pelts; also you shall see if you can acquire a few calves there.

It remains to note that the months of March, April, May, June, and July are good for getting salt; then come the rainy months that dissolve the salt, although one year is more rainy than another.

In the month of April the frigates at Sint Jan de Lus depart to fetch what is in Compe[t]s[ch]y,⁠a since the frigates already laden with hides, cochineal, etc., sail there in order to meet them.

From Nova Spanien frigates and barques often come to Havana laden with meal, which will be very good merchandise to trade for tobacco at Sint Cristoffel and other places; so you shall gather this and other cargoes, all to be traded for tobacco.

Twenty-five miles westward from Competschy is a good river named Tabasco, where there are a great many hides, and cochineal.

En route, watch about the middle of August for a ship bringing pay for the soldiers to Margarita, Porta Dacaia, Cumana and other places of the mainland.

Many barques, tacking about from Cartajena for Marycaybo, Coro [blank], and other places on the mainland, pass Coba de La Vela with good merchandise.

However, since it is our intention to have dealings upon the coast of Florida, for which purpose the cargoes are prepared, you shall not spend too much time watching in an effort to bring prizes here, but cross betimes in order to come into the South River, making the p180 Indians everywhere aware of your own coming, [and] also running in and out of all the rivers for the purpose of seeking trade.

So it seemed to me to be the best that you run directly to Isle de Sable, as first related, in order to set up the sloop there, and with the yacht to run at once toward Caep de Mallabare, in order to pass it, giving the yacht good and suitable cargoes to exchange along the coast for good sewant, and losing no time while the sloop is being set up; and you shall fix [a] suitable rendezvous with one another.

The ship and sloop can then run directly to the south of the South River — and then as before related.

Thus the yacht to [all] appearances will be able to make more profit here this year when in the West Indies, even though the time for cruising there is supposed to be mostly over.

And you could then allow the yacht to tack about near the Caribise Islands earlier in the spring, in accord with the remarks in the instruction before related.

But in all things you shall govern yourself according to the opportunity of the times and discuss with one another what it is best to do.

And if it turns out that it is as late in the year as the latter part of August before you depart from Gottenborch, you shall do everything possible to be able to come upon the coast with speed in order to trade for sewant at the Crommegaue and wherever else you may do so, and then run past the North River to the South [River], remaining outside the limits of New Netherland [and] trading only southwards.

And when the month of December shall have passed, cross to the Caribise Islands with the ship and yacht and do there as before is related.

You shall let the ship remain there throughout the month of May and then cross over with the ship to the South River and there load all the skins acquired in trade, in order to return therewith to Gottenborch in time to prepare the ship and cargoes for the second voyage.

p181 Since it well could happen that the ship might be long held up there, as soon as the trading in Virginia is concluded in May you shall order expressly what whoever goes with the ship is to remain lying in the West Indies no longer than May.

And if it should happen that the good Lord come to fetch you and that for that reason our affairs should be in arrears, Michiel Seymesse, mate of the Calmer Sleutel, shall succeed to your place and have the administration of everything, to whom we hereby give all authority as if you yourself were still alive.

And the boatswain of the ship, named Anderies Leuykasse,⁠38 shall concern himself with the trade along the coast, joining with him Jan Jansen or someone [else] who carries the quill.

And if your beloved self arrive with the ship, that sold the largest cargoes, you shall attend to all such persons there on land as you shall see fit, giving the same good information, telling them what to do if the yacht comes there, and doing everything which tends toward the interest of the company.

It is a matter of history that Minuit fulfilled his mission for the Swedes in an able manner, although circumstances may have necessitated certain departures from the secret instructions. For example, after leaving Sweden the two vessels were separated in the North Sea by heavy storms, and a month later Minuit was forced to visit the Texel to repair the leaking Kalmar Nyckel and replace her prow and mast. A week later the battered Grip also arrived in Holland for repairs. While Minuit was at the Texel, his patroon friend van Rensselaer asked him to carry goods to his colony and also to transport six persons, including a relative, p182 Arent van Curler, to New Netherland. Minuit continued to keep his destination a secret, and van Rensselaer wrote to Kieft, "I could only make out this much that he expected to go to Virginia, from which region I have asked him to try to find opportunity to send my goods and people to the Company's settlement."⁠39

On December 31, 1637, the two vessels went to sea again, but nothing is known of the journey, because Minuit's journal, which contained this information, as well as a map, sketches of Fort Christina and two houses built there, and other papers, are now missing. From what is known of Minuit's activities after his arrival on the Delaware — the building of Fort Christina, setting up markers, buying land from the Indians, sending the Grip to Virginia, and sending other things — he evidently followed his instructions to the letter.

It was in the course of complying with his instructions that Minuit met his tragic and untimely end. He had left the Grip at Fort Christina and had gone to the island of St. Christopher on the Kalmar Nyckel, en route to Sweden, to exchange his cargo for tobacco.

What happened there is revealed in a letter written by Blommaert dated at Amsterdam January 20, 1640, from which the following passage was translated by Dunlap:

He had there exchanged his cargoes for tobacco and being ready to depart from there, went with his captain [van der Water] as a guest on board ship from Rotterdam, named de Vliegende Hart [the "Flying Hart"] that lay there and traded. When they were about a half hour from shore, according to the explanation of the officers, the hurricane, an extraordinary storm-wind, which, so may say, comes only once in six or seven years, overtook them, where through all the ships, over twenty, were driven seawards from the road, some losing their masts and others perishing, including the p183 ship the "Flying Hart," upon which were Minuit and his captain.⁠40

Symonssen, as authorized by the instructions, took command of the Kalmar Nyckel and brought her back home, although he encountered storms again in the North Sea and was delayed by the Dutch at Mendemblik, where the pelts were unloaded. The Grip returned to Sweden in June of 1639, and her pelts were also sold in Holland.

For some years to come, Minuit's name was referred to disparagingly in Dutch communications dealing with the Swedish colony on the Delaware. The following is an example:

. . . a certain person named Pieter Minuyt, forgetful of the benefits conferred on him by the Company whose Director he had been in New Netherland, cast his eye upon it. But not knowing under what pretense to go there, he proceeded to Sweden and having as 'twas asserted, obtained a Commission from that Crown, transported himself thence to the South River, with one or two ships and some Swedes, the most of whom were banditti . . . full twelve years after the Company had come there.⁠41

There was, of course, always the danger that other officers employed by the Company would follow Minuit's example and sell out to a rival nation, and at least one made the threat. Alexander d'Hinoyossa, while tippling in a tavern in New Amstel, upbraided the Company's director and council for their actions toward him. He was reported as having said that he had a mind to "do as one Minnewit, the uncle of Henry Huygen, had done, who was badly treated by the Company and had introduced the Swedes here, saying, so I will go and fetch here the English or them from Portugal, the Swede or the Dane, what the devil do I care, whom I serve and repeating hereupon, etc."⁠42

The Author's Notes:

2 VRB, pp31, 217, fn. 34. Krol served until March, 1633, when he was succeeded by Wouter van Twiller.

6 VRB, p219, 233; see the inventory of goods on Minuit's farm (ibid., pp223‑224).

9 A. Eekhof, Jonas Michaëlius Founder of the Church in New Netherland, A. W. Sijthoff's Publishing Co., Leyden, 1926, p68.

16 David M. Ellis, Chapter 1, A Short History of New York State, Cornell University Press, 1957, p23.

17 Allen Johnson, ed., The Chronicles of America Series, vol. 7, Dutch and English on the Hudson, Yale University Press, 1921.

20 Eekhof, op. cit., p73. Kapp says that Minuit sought reemployment by the Company, without success, but this author is not to be trusted. (Friedrich Kapp, "Peter Minuit aus Wesel," Sybel's Historische Zeitschrift, 1866, 15:225‑250.

22 Swedish Settlements, vol. 1, Chap. 12. An authoritative biography of Minuit remains to be written. Kapp's account (op. cit.) is largely based on American sources and is not reliable. However, Kapp contributes an interesting note by stating that "Minnewit Island" was in Long Island Sound and was so called a century after Minuit's death. "Minnewits Island" was cited in 1673 by the captain of the frigate Zee-hond (NYCD, 2:655).

24 The term was first used in his letter of June 15, 1636. An English translation appeared in Penna. Magazine, 6, No. 4 (1882), 458‑459; for another English translation see Winsor, 4:445, fn. 2; a facsimile of the original letter is in Swedish Settlements, 1: between pp96 and 97.

25 Swedish Settlements, 1:106. It was Minuit's intention, after establishing a post on the Delaware, to convey peasants from the vicinity of Cleef as colonists (see Blommaert's letter, November 13, 1638, in G. W. Kernkamp, ed., Zweedische Archivalia, 29:1‑442; reprinted from Bijdragen en Mededelingen het Historisch Genootschap [van Utrecht]).

26 Carl K. S. Sprinchorn, "The History of the Colony of New Sweden," Penna. Magazine, 8, No. 3 (1884), 254, fn.

27 Left blank when the instructions were written, because it was thought that only one vessel (the Kalmar Nyckel; in Dutch, the Calmer Sleutel) would be sent. Later, the Vogel Grip joined the expedition.

28 Note that the site of the Swedish settlement on the Minquas Kill (present Christina River) had been decided upon before Minuit sailed. Having been there before, he doubtless played a part in selecting it.

29 The queen's name was to be given to Sable Island; nothing in the instructions told Minuit to apply her name to the Minquas Kill.

30 The exact site of Cromegauege has not previously been named, although Johnson says it was on the New England coast (Swedish Settlements, 1:113, fn. 15). It was specifically in the Gardiners Bay sector of Long Island (NYCD, 1:360, 545, 565; 2:135). It is a Dutch word meaning "crooked country."

31 The "Affidavit of Four Men from the Key of Calmer," made December 29, 1638, indicates that Minuit carefully followed these instructions by settling on the Minquas Kill and there "building a fort on the bank of the river," after purchasing the land from the Indians. He erected the arms of "Her Illustrious Majesty of Sweden," accompanied by the firing of cannon and other ceremonies in the presence of "said sachems or princes and the country was called New Sweden" (Narratives, Myers, pp86‑89).

32 Minuit was instructed, as indicated, to give both the Minquas Kill and the Sankikans Kill European names, but was not told what names to use.

33 The date should read 1638. When the instructions were written it was planned for Minuit to set out several months before the actual time of departure.

35 The Ms has heuyden ("hides") which does not fit the context. A scribal error for heuden ("hoys," "lighters," "barges") has been assumed.

38 Another form of "Andress Lucassen," a member of the expedition who had previously lived in New Netherland and who served as Minuit's Indian translator (Narratives, Myers, p86). In addition to Symonssen, van der Water, and Jöransen, also named in the instructions, other known members of the expedition were Peter Johanssen, upper boatswain from Beemster, Johan Joachinssen, the gunner, Hendrick Huyghen, commissioner, Mans Nilsson Kling, in charge of the Swedish soldiers, and Jacob Evertssen Sandelin from Scotland (ibid., cf. Swedish Settlements, 1:112).

40 Kernkamp, op. cit., p177. Kapp (op. cit.) erred in stating that Minuit died in New Sweden in 1641 and was buried near Fort Christina. Kapp may have consulted Israel Acrelius, who in 1759, said that Minuit died at Fort Christina (A History of New Sweden, 1874 edition, p28).

Thayer's Note:

a Saint‑Jean-de‑Luz in Basque country, now in France; Campeche, now in Mexico. A significant population of Basque ancestry still exists in Campeche and more generally in the Yucatán.

p159 VII

The Secret Instructions for Peter Minuit

The Author's Notes:

Thayer's Note: