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The following article gives us excellent material showing how urgent is the nationality problem in the Soviet Union which has been "solved" a third of a century ago:
"Answers to Readers' Questions: Nation and Nationality. (By I. Tsameryan. Bolshevik, No. 6, March 1951 [published in April] pp57‑62 Complete text:) We are replying to the questions of Comrades N. Basov (Kharkov), Pivovarov (Plast, Chelyabinsk Province), S. Kryukov (Leninakan, Armenian Republic) and V. Golubev (Petropavlovsk‑on‑Kamchatka) regarding the meaning of the term nationality, how it differs from the term nation and whether fusing of tribes and nationalities under the consolidation of socialist nations is take place in this country.
"The concepts of 'nation' and 'nationality' reflect the forms of social ties which bind people together at various stages of historical development. Nationality and nation are historical categories which came into being at different epochs.
"Production of material goods, of the means of existence, requires collective effort and cooperation. 'In waging the struggle with nature and usage nature in the production of material goods people do not function in isolation from one another but together, in groups and societies,' points out Comrade Stalin.3 These groups of people e are variously formed at various stages of history. At the dawn of history, at the lowest stages of development of human society, people lived in small groups, like herds of man‑like apes; then there appeared collectives of people based on blood ties, family ties and relationships. The basic nucleus of the primitive communal system was the family clan — first matriarchal, then, at a higher stage, patriarchal. The tribe consisted of several closely related family clans. As the primitive community's productive forces developed, the organization our family clans, tribes and alliances of tribes became higher and more complex. At the highest p296 stage of the primitive community there were formed more or less stable federations, confederations and alliances of related tribes.
"The primitive communal system broke up as a result of further development of productive forces, the rise of private property and inequality in property ownership; society split into antagonistic classes and the state arose. With the transition from primitive communal society to class society the nature of social ties and social relationships changed radically.
"Blood ties, formerly the chief condition for social groupings of people, were disrupted in the process of the rise of classes and the state. The primitive communal system had as its vital prerequisite the joint habitation of one and the same territory by the members of a single class or tribe. People belonging to various clans and tribes intermingled as a result of the appearance of private property and classes, the development of trade, alienation of land property, etc. The old clan's closed nature disappeared; blood ties ceased to be a necessary condition of social organization. A process of intermingling and using of class and tribes went on as the primitive communal system broke down.
"Tribes which fused into one people lost their separate, cut‑off existence. A people is not merely an alliance of tribes, but a merger of them in which the tribes are fused and lose their individuality and their own government, their lands are merged into one territory, and all the population of the merged tribes have a common government. At the time of Homer the Greek tribes were in most cases already united in small nationalities, within which clans and tribes still preserved their independence; later, instead of a simple alliance of tribes living alongside one another there came the merging of many tribes into the single people of Athens, with one common government, common laws and common territory.4
"Thus, under favorable conditions of development tribes and nationalities merge and become more or less stable ethnographic and historical formations — single peoples, creating their own cultures and written literatures which fix their languages. Such, for example, was the Russian people in Kyiva and Muscovite Rus and the Chinese and other peoples in the era of the slaveholding and feudal system. Nationalities and peoples are communities which arise historically on the economic basis of precapitalist forms of production relations. The merging of tribes to form a single people, however, does not necessity signify complete disappearance of differences among tribes within this people; usually a certain degree of isolation of tribes within the peoples and nationalities is preserved for a carbine time, sometimes for entire centuries.
"The concept of a 'people' is also used in a wider sense — for example, we speak of the Soviet people, the peoples of the Soviet Union, the Russian, Georgian, Ukrainian and other peoples.
p297 "The consolidation of nationalities and peoples into bourgeois nations takes place in the course of the rise and development of capitalism. However, in the epoch of capitalism and even in its by the and final stage, imperialism, there still remain in the colonial and dependent countries numerous tribes and nationalities which have lagged behind in their development as a result of colonial oppression and have not formed into nations. The imperialists pursue a policy of artificially retarding the economic, political and cultural development of colonial peoples, hindering their consolidation into nations.
"How does a nation differ from a nationality? The classic Marxist definition of nation, given by Comrade Stalin, says: '. . . the nation is a historically formed stable community, arising on the basis of community of four basic factors, namely, common language, common territory, common economic life and common psychological make‑up, manifesting itself in common peculiarities of national culture.'5
"Revealing the meaning of the term nation, Comrade Stalin shows that a nation is not a racial or tribal community of people, but one which has taken shape historically. The nation is the product of a definite historical epoch; the epoch of rising capitalism, whereas the nationality is the product of precapitalist production relations. Supplanting of the feudal by the capitalist system signifies the consolidation of peoples and nationalities into bourgeois nations. The economic basis for the origin of bourgeois nations is thus capitalist production relations, whereas the economic basis for the origin of nationalities and peoples is precapitalist production relations. This si the first and decisive difference between a nationality and a bourgeois nation.
"Whereas the nation is based upon a stable community of economic life created by division of labor and the appearance of a national market, i.e., a constant and regular economic bond linking the separate parts of the nation into a single whole, nationalities have no such stable economic bond. This of course does not mean that nationalities do not have their own economic basis. It is simply that the historical features of precapitalist economic relations, such as feudal production relations, constituting the economic basis of nationalities and peoples that have not yet developed into nations, find expression in economic fragmentation and disunion of the people concerned.
"Characterizing the conditions of consolidation of the Great Russian people, V. I. Lenin pointed out that the establishment of national ties, of a national community, had capitalist production relations for its economic basis. Criticizing and exposing the antiscientific view of Mikhailovsky, who held national ties to be a continuation and generalization of clan ties, Lenin pointed out that only the modern period in Russian history (approximately since the 17th century) is marked by true fusion of the formerly disunited Russian provinces, lands and principalities into a single whole. This merger was called forth not by clan links and not by their continuation and generalization: 'It was called forth by the growing exchange among provinces, the gradually growing commodity p298 turnover, the concentration of small local markets into one all‑Russian market. Since the directors and masters of this process were the capitalists and merchants, establishment of these national bonds was nothing but creation of bourgeois ties.'6
"Developing this proposition of V. I. Lenin's, J. V. Stalin wrote: The process of liquidation of feudalism and development of capitalism is also a process the formation of nations.'7 Thus, for example, the Georgians did not constitute a nation until the wherefore of the 19th century, since they were disunited, fragmented into many principalities and did not have a stable economic community. 'Georgia arose as a nation only in the second half of the 19th century, when the fall of serfdom and the growth of the country's economic life, development of means of transportation and the rise of capitalism episode division of labor among the provinces of Georgia and finally shattered the economic isolation of the principalities and linked them in a single whole. The same must be said of other nations which passed through the feudalism stage and developed capitalism within themselves.8
"Nationalities and nations, as historically formed communities of people of the precapitalist epoch, have a definite community of language and territory and a certain community of economic life and psychological make‑up, manifesting itself in a common culture created by the nationality. As Comrade Stalin points out, the elements of the nation — language, territory, cultural community, etc. — did not fall from the skies, but were gradually established back in the precapitalist period. 'But these elements were in an embryonic state and at best constituted merely a potential, in the sense of the possibility of formation of a nation in the future under certain favorable conditions. The potential became reality only in the period of rising capitalism, with its national market, its economic and cultural centers.'9 For example, community of language existed among tribes, peoples and nationalities long before the formation of nations, before the rise of capitalism. In the work 'Marxism and Problems of Linguistics' Comrade Stalin points out: '. . . when capitalism appeared and feudal disunity was overcome, when the national market was formed, nationalities developed into nations and the languages of nationalities into the languages of nations.'10 Hence the language of the nation cannot be divorced from the language of the nationality and contrasted to it as an utterly new language. Comrade Stalin refuted the vulgarized, antiscientific mar theory of language as suru, The old superstructure is liquidated with liquidation of the old base, but the transition from language of a nationality to language of a nation takes place not through liquidation of the old and creation of a new language, but through long, gradual development, enrichment p299 and improvement of the language, through dying out of old elements and accumulation of new elements. The language of a nationality, being a language common to the entire nationality, comprehensible to all, has its own offshoots in the form of local ('territorial') dialects. In the process of overcoming feudal disunity and development of capitalism these dialects are fused in the common national language and, melting in it, disappear. Thus, for example, the Russian national language existed long before the rise of capitalism. The foundation of the Russian national language was the Kursk-Orel dialect. In the process of development of the Russian people into a nation, the Russian language became a national language, into which were poured all the local dialects. This was a long, progressive process.
"The language of a nationality and people in the epoch of slavery and feudalism does not always find reflection in literature. But the language of a nation is a language common to the nation and fixed in literature. Lenin wrote 'Everywhere in the world the epoch of final triumph of capitalism over feudalism was connected with national movements. The economic basis of these movements was the fact that, for complete triumph of commodity production, conquest of the domestic market by the bourgeois was necessary, as was state unification of a territory and its population speaking the same language, with elimination of any hindrances to development of this language and its fixing in literature.'11
"Other elements in formation of the nation also arise through prolonged historical development. They attain their full embodiment in connection with the consolidation of a nationality into a nation.
"Let us now briefly examine the question of nations and nationalities under the Soviet socialist system.
"In the period before the October revolution there exhibited only one type of nation — the bourgeois nation. In 1929 Comrade Stalin, generalizing the experience of socialist construction in his work 'The National Question and Leninism' gave a classic definition of the two historical types of nations: bourgeois nations, existing in the capitalist world, and the socialist nations arising on the basis of dictatorship of the proletariat and the Soviet sometime.
"What are nations like under capitalism? Comrade Stalin points out 'The bourgeoisie and its nationalist parties were and are in this period the chief leading force of these nations.' Class peace within the nation for the sake of 'national unity'; expansion of territory of the nation by seizure of foreign nations' territories; a united front with imperialism — such is the ideological and social-political baggage of these nations. Such nations must be described as bourgeois nations. Such, for example, are the French, English, Italian and North American nations and others like them.12
"The destiny of bourgeois nations is indissolubly linked with the destiny of capitalism; with the liquidation of the latter, the bourgeois p300 nations will cease to exist. As a result of the triumph of the October revolution and consolidation of the Soviet system, as a result of the liquidation of capitalism not building of socialism, the old bourgeois nations in our country were liquidated. In the U. S. S. R. new socialist nations took shape 'which are much more united than any bourgeois nation, for they are free of the irreconcilable class contradictions which corrode the bourgeois nations and they represent much more of a national community than does any bourgeois nation.'13
"The great friendship of the peoples of our socialist homeland is an expression of the new nature of socialist nations, conforming to historical laws. The social-economic basis of the development of the socialist nations, their social-political interests and aspirations lead with historical inevitability to their ever greater mutual rapprochement and the strengthening of their alliance within the unified multinational Soviet state. A vital feature of the socialist nations is their moral-political solidarity and unity.
"The nature and methods of consolidation of socialist nations and bourgeois nations are radically opposed. The bourgeois method of consolidation of nations is a method under which the nations fall away from one another, a method which incites national discord and enmity. The socialist method is one of steady rapprochement and friendly cooperation among nations with equal rights. The process of the consolidation of socialist nations has followed two paths: (1) Liquidation of the old, bourgeois nations and formation of new, socialist nations on their foundations; this process of forming socialist nations in the U. S. S. R. has been fundamentally completed; (2) Consolidation of the new, socialist nations as a result of the all‑around development of the tribes and nationalities awakened by the great October revolution and the Soviet regime; this process of consolidation of socialist nations has not yet been fully concluded. Alongside the nations which have taken shape in the U. S. S. R. are nationalities — of a new, socialist type — which are developing and consolidating into nations.
"The nationalities in the USSR are mainly small peoples and kindred tribes combined into nationalities, which had been doomed by the barbarous policy of tsarism to die out. Under the Soviet regime these tribes and nationalities, with the help of the great Russian people and other peoples of the U. S. S. R., began rapidly to develop their economy and culture, national in form and socialist in content. . . .
"The difference between nationalities and nations under the Soviet regime consists only in level of development of features which are common to both nations and nationalities. The socialist economy and socialist production relations constitute the common economic foundation of the development of nationalities and nations in the U. S. S. R. Nationalities differ from nations in level of cultural development. This is understandable, for the formerly oppressed and backward nationalities were able to develop freely only in Soviet society, i.e., quite recently, and therefore, of course, they have not yet had time to create so rich a p301 culture, national in form and socialist in content, as have the nations which had long since taken shape. In the field of language the difference consists in the fact that together with the general language, the nationality preserves local dialects, which are still of great importance. In the language of the socialist nations which have taken shape the local dialects have already died out or in any case play an insignificant part.
"Under the Soviet system the nationalities develop and consolidate to form socialist nations. Both a single, separate nationality and several tribes and nationalities, kindred as regards derivation and language and merging together, can consolidate to form a socialist nation. The Yakuts, Khakassy and Tuvinians can serve as examples of the consolidation of single, separate nationalities to form corresponding socialist nations. But the consolidation of these peoples to form socialist nations has not yet been quite completed. Thus, certain groups of the Yakut people have not yet merged with it, although their development shows a trend toward such a merger. As to the consolidation of several nationalities to form a single socialist nation, an example of this is the nationalities of the so‑called Ando-Didoisk language group — the Andytsy, Botlikhtsy, Godoberintsy, Didoitsy, Khvarshiny, Khunsaly and certain other small nationalities of Western Dagestan, which are consolidating with the Avars to form a single socialist nation.
"In the report on the draft Constitution of the U. S. S. R. in 1936 Comrade Stalin pointed out that there are about 60 nations, national Portuguese and nationalities in the U. S. S. R. Since than there has been the reuniting of the Western Ukraine and Transcarpathian Ukraine with the Ukraine Republic, Western Belorussia with the Belorussian Republic, and baseball with the Moldavian Republic, i.e., completion of the consolidation of the Ukrainian, Belorussian and Moldavian peoples into single, socialist nations; the Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian Republics have entered the U. S. S. R., and the number of socialist nations in our country has grown.
"The Soviet socialist system guarantees all the socialist nations and nationalities real equality of rights. The fraternal friendship of peoples of equal rights in the firm foundation of the multinational Soviet state."
The idea of a "Soviet nation" built up and propagated by Soviet Moscow during more than two decades seems to be put into the background and the existence of "real equal" nations and nationalities in the Soviet Union again is accentuated. Apparently, it would in order not to scare the satellites, which sooner or later will have to "voluntarily" join the Soviet Union. In our opinion, Soviet Moscow is driving at the creation of an anti‑UN organization and will soon oppose the United "capitalist" Nations with a United "Socialist" Nations, organized in the Soviet Union under Moscow's dictatorship.
The best barometer for judging respect for national rights in any country, especially in the Soviet Union, the successor of old anti-Semitic p302 Russia, is the treatment of the Jewish nation. As we have said, the national problem in old Russia came to the fore during the Congresses of the Russian Socialist Party at the beginning of this century by the demand of the Jewish Socialist Bund for national cultural autonomy, which was successfully fought by Lenin. On many other occasions Lenin called the Bund an organization of Jewish nationalists who were struggling not for the international unity of the proletariat, but for the observance of the Sabbath and the recognition of Yiddish as a literary language.14
Now, after nearly a third of a century of Russian Communist dictatorship, the Jewish problem in the Soviet Union is again a constant topic in all objective studies on the current affairs of this country. We have mentioned in the course of our presentation how Marr's theory was also applied by the Russian Communists to the Yiddish for its Russification in the 1930's. That marked the beginning of a course of action which at present appears to all observers of Jewish life to have reached its end. A careful analysis proves that Russian Communism systematically carried out the most extensive pogrom of the Jewish nation, a pogrom never dreamed of by Purishkevich and Krushevan of old Tsarist times.
Literature based on the material of witnesses from the newest Jewish and non‑Jewish DP exiles is quite abundant, and some of it is collected in a special chapter by Peter Viereck.15
Despite all denials by Communists and fellow travelers outside the Soviet Union, despite the new Soviet semantics, anti-Semitism as a kind of official party line is an indubitable fact in the Soviet Union. Now anti-Semitism "anti-cosmopolitanism," and the old Russian name-calling vocabulary for the Jews was enriched by "homeless cosmopolitans," "rabbits," "tribeless bastards," "passportless wanderers," "people without kith and kin, ""Talmudists," and again, as in old Tsarist Russia, the Jews are responsible for all oppositional trends among the population and for all economic defects of the Communist regime. The Jews once more became the scapegoats of the Russian regime, which has used them systematically for many years in a provocative manner in many official Russian Communist capacities as lightning rods, especially in the non‑Russian territories, in order to divert the hatred of the Communist regime to the heads of the Jews.
We have reason to believe, that Stalin, as a master of the dialectical methods, has always conducted a "planned" use of the Jewish nation for tactical aims in the Communist strategic blueprints, and this included from the very beginning the complete Russification and assimilation of the Jewish nation. This Stalin regarded as a condition of the later Russification and assimilation of the other non‑Russian nationalities in the Soviet Union. Stalin considered the liquidation of the mensheviks, which he regarded as a Jewish faction, a condition for the victory of the bolsheviks. Finally, he considered it essential for the Russian Communist p303 victory over the opposition of the non‑Russian peoples that the Jews as a separate nation inside the Soviet Union be utterly destroyed.
We agree fully with Stalin that the Jewish national aspirations have always constituted a cornerstone of the whole nationality problems in the Soviet Union. After Stalin mounted the Pan‑Russian horse during World War II and Russian Communism openly became Russian chauvinism, both these Russian positions demanded the liquidation of all opposition of the non‑Russian peoples as a preparation for World War III. The most effective blow against all the non‑Russian peoples is the blow against the Jews.
At the base of Stalin's tactics is his very illuminating confession in the little-known "Report on the London Congresses," 1907, published in the Bakinskii Proletarii, justly appraised by B. Wolfe:16
"Not less interesting is the composition of the Congress from the standpoint of nationalities. Statistics showed that the majority of the mensheviks' faction consists of Jews. . . . On the other hand, the overwhelming majority of the Bolsheviks consists of Russians. . . . For this reason, one of the Bolsheviks observed in jest [it seems to have been Comrade Aleksinsky] that the Mensheviks are a Jewish faction, the Bolsheviks a Russian faction, whence it wouldn't be a bad idea for us Bolsheviks to arrange a pogrom in the party."
The psychoanalysts teach that the kind of 'jests" repeated by a person usually reveals his hidden, suppressed character. There can be no doubt according to this quotation concerning Stalin's attitude toward the Jews as mensheviks and as a nation, because for Stalin the Jews represented the "troublemaker" in the party itself and, as a separate nationality in the Soviet Union. Stalin, held in contempt by all Georgian Socialists as a half-intelligent brutal character, joined the Russian bolsheviks, among whom he could play, if not the seems, at least the fourth fiddle. Coming into power in the Russian Communist dictatorship, Stalin as the Commissar of Nationalities then effected the "liberation" of the Jews also. The mass of small traders and artisans became "capitalists" overnight whose children were deprived of all normal right of education and of food rations. After the hunger catastrophe and the introduction of the N. E. P. the Jews as the "Nepman's" ushered into the country in a few years a prewar prosperity. Thus for Stalin the Jews within the Soviet Union became not only the dangerous element, which had connections with weight hated Western culture, but the still more dangerous element for the Communist economic system, because in the N. E. P. period they proved that the Soviet Union economy could be successfully managed on a half-capitalist basis. So the Jews and the non‑Russian peasantry represented the No. 1 enemies of Russian Communism and of his personal dictatorship to the mind of Stalin, who was strengthening his position when Trotsky became the leader of the opposition. Against this background the Jewish Autonomous Region in the R. F. S. F. R. in far‑off Siberia with a climate wholly unsuitable for the p304 Jews, must be looked upon as an "isolation region" for the menshevik virus and Zionism. Birobijan was founded in 1928, and in 1934 acquired the status of an Autonomous Region.
The abolition of the N. E. P. policy was a blow both against the Jews and against the non‑Russian peasantries. Half of all Jews were declared officially declassed (lishentsi) without living space, rations, schooling of children, etc. The other half was forced into Soviet jobs in the most unpopular branches: food shops, store managers, interior administration — where they were hated as executors of the Communist policy. The Russian Communists always put some Jews in the Red army and policy formations which "liquidated the kulaks" or "extort" all the grain from the peasants in the non‑Russian territories. These Jews were then blamed for all the brutalities inflicted on the population. I consider the imposition of Marr's theories on the Byelo-Ruthenians and Ukrainians by some Jews as a special "provocation" of Stalin. The aim was clearly to separate the Jewish intelligentsia from the intelligentsia of the non‑Russian peoples, and to isolate the Jews, making them completely dependent on the Russians, as an instrument of their Russification in the non‑Russian territories. Using some Jews for this policy the Russians at the same time started a systematic Russification of Yiddish and a persecution of the whole cultural heritage of the Jewish nation. During the struggle against Trotskyism Stalin's propaganda worked distinctly with anti-Semitism, especially later, during the mock trials of Zinoviev and Kamenev, who were officially reminded that their Russian names were only pseudonyms.
Just as the program of the non‑Russian nationalities was being carried out behind the federative façade of the Constitution, the Jewry outside the Soviet Union were pushed by Stalin behind the Kaganovich façade with the Hollywood romanticism of his secret marriage to the sister of his old henchman, and the Siberian Birobijan. It is certain that Stalin before World War II was fully convinced that the Jews, at liberal element, united with the outside world and universal culture, as a national individuality and stimulant of the nationality problem inside, were the greatest danger for his dictatorship — especially with the authority of Trotsky abroad.
How much did Stalin's fear of the Jews and his hidden aversion to them influence his decision regarding the alliance with Hitler? Surely a great deal, assuming as it did a vital role in the nationality problem was mentioned. Any enemy of Trotsky was Stalin's ally; the fact of Trotsky's murder proves how deeply Stalin felt endangered by the Jew, who even though he had broken ties with his own people represented for Stalin his Jewish rival in the world revolution.
Stalin's alliance with Hitler brought a red letter day for anti-Semitism in the Soviet Union. Gradually the Jews (including Litvinov) were eliminated from key positions, from the diplomatic and governmental services. Characteristic was the order to the Ukrainian University in Lemberg, after the Soviet occupation, to refuse the matriculation of all Jews into the university.
After the attack of Hitler, Stalin's policy toward the Jews was also p305 well calculated. Surely he had heard something about Hitler's crematoriums, and could therefore give the general order to evacuate the preserve victims of Hitler. No — they were left to Hitler's liquidation, as the Poles during their rising in Warsaw were left to the Germans. The deliberate nonevacuation of Jews brought Stalin a double "success": he liquidated, through Hitler, his enemies and Trotsky's fellow countrymen inside the occupied Soviet Union on the one hand, and on the other Hitler's pogroms, Stalin calculated, would completely overshadow his still well-remembered pact with Hitler and prompt the Jews outside the Soviet Union toward a new sympathy for the Soviet Union, since he had now become an "ally of democracy" against Hitler. The constantly calculating brain of that Caucasian abrek is generally underestimated.
The present plight of the Jewish nation in the Soviet Union represents the ultimate fate of any non‑Russian nationality there. The cultural, religious, lingual, and national pogrom of the Jews by Moscow is accomplished. Even the remnants of the flourishing Jewish national culture of 1928‑1929 were blotted out. The Yiddish Publishing House, Emes, together with the last Yiddish newspaper, all Jewish social and political organizations were eliminated; their leaders, scholars, poets, writers, actors, and journalists "disappeared"; the once famous Yiddish Theater is virtually destroyed; the Jewish population from the Ukraine, Byelo-Ruthenia, and Crimea is exiled to Eastern Siberia and Stalin's crematories of Karaganda can fully compete with Hitler's gas chambers; a systematic smear propaganda is carried on against the present State of Israel, whose leaders like Ben‑Gurion and Shertok are accused of being "nationalist" and "puppets of Washington."
The Russian cycle is closed, from the "Protocols of the Elders of Zion" and the pogroms to the application of the Leninist-Stalinist nationality program to the Jews by the Russian Communist's Party. And we see the result, assimilation and Russification of some three million Jews. The program of old Tsarist Russia is accomplished, the pogrom of the Jewish nation is complete.17
We can support our opinion also by the following quotation from a lecture delivered by the Jewish scholar, Will Herberg, published October 23, 1950, in Time.
"In all Russia . . . there is no trace of formal Jewish organization or institutions. . . . There is not a single Jewish newspaper or periodical throughout the length and breadth of the Soviet Union. Hebrew is forbidden. Religious instruction and everything that smacks of religious tradition is under the same ban. . . . Everything Jewish is either dlimd or else suffocated under a heavy blanket of official silence.
Herberg's conclusion: "What decades of Czarist persecution could not do, Communist totalitarianism seems on the verge of accomplishing — the stifling of every form of Jewish expression, the total extinction of Jewish existence."
p306 What happened to Birobijan?18 Harry Schwartz19 reported:
"The Soviet Government has abandoned its much publicized efforts to create a 'Jewish homeland' in the Birobijan region of Eastern Siberia, latest information available indicates.
"Ao new policy came last November when a message arrived here at the headquarters of the Ambijan Committee, an organization formed in 1934 to gather funds and other aid for Birobijan's Jews, declaring that Birobijan no longer required or wanted any outside help. The cablegram was signed by Lew Yefremovich Benkovich as head of the Birobidjan Government.
"Last month the Israeli newspaper Haaretz, published in Tel Aviv, printed an article saying the Soviet Government had decided to end its efforts to establish a separate Jewish homeland in Birobijan. Haaretz's article, information in which has been confirmed by Israeli Government sources, was based on a report delivered to a recent congress of the Khabarovsk Territory Communist party by Pavel Vasilevich Simonov, first secretary of the Communist party of the Jewish Autonomous Province, as Birobidjan is officially known.
"The Haaretz report indicated that the Soviet Government intended to freeze the existing situation in Birobijan giving up efforts to resettle any large additional number of Jews there. The article cites reports that Jews from other parts of the Soviet Union have recently been settled in Krasnoyarsk Territory and other regions in Siberia rather than in Birobijan.
"At the Khabarovsk conference, Mr. Simonov reported that there were 140,000 persons in the Jewish Autonomous Province of whom 30 per cent were Jews. In 1939 the last Soviet census indicated this area had 108,000 inhabitants. Information then indicated that the Jewish population was under 30,000, according to Dr. Solomon Schwarz, who has made studies of Soviet Jewry.
"The increase in Birobijan's Jewish population from under 30,000 in 1939 to 42,000 in the recent postwar period is apparently attributable to the Soviet Government-sponsored migration in 1947 and 1948 of Jews from the Ukraine and other western areas to the Jewish Autonomous Province.
"Mr. Simonov's Khabarovsk report also revealed that a major purge had taken place in Birobidzjanº and that the last remaining Yiddish language newspaper in the Soviet Union, the Birobijaner Stern, had been closed down. Haaretz reported that the entire staff of the newspaper had been arrested. Among those purged were S. Kushvir, former first secretary of the Birobidzhan Commute party, and A. Bakhmotsky, former second secretary.
"The new Soviet policy on Birobijan is in accord with the general drive conducted in recent years against the formerly approved concept p307 of the Jewish people as constituting a separate nation among the Soviet family of nations.
"In late 1949 the Soviet Government closed down the Yiddish Publishing House, the last Yiddish national newspaper, Einigkeit, and arrested a number of Jewish intellectuals. In early 1950 it conducted a major drive against 'homeless cosmopolitans,' most of whom were Jewish writers, some of whom were accused of spreading Zionism and other anti-Soviet 'bourgeois nationalism.'
"Reports front Soviet Union indicate that all or virtually all Yiddish schools have been closed down and that in general an effort is being made to speed up the assimilation of Soviet Jews. In earlier years the Government boasted that it was encouraging all forms of Yiddish culture and schooling."
Hitler has used Jews "only" for "experiments" in laboratories; Stalin has used the whole Jewish nation as a laboratory object for the creation of the Russian Soviet nation by "dissolution" and "merging."20 That "social and national engineering" is the only "great contribution" of the new Muscovy to our times; modern physics split atoms, Russian Communism developed a successful and effective method of splitting nationalities and swallowing them. A gigantic modern cannibalism21 is in full action within the Soviet Union in the very era of the UN. This example of the fate of the Jewish nation in the Soviet Union can be fully matched with the fate of the Jews as a nation in Hitler's Germany this fate is prepared for all the non‑Russian nationalities in the Soviet Union.
The national ideas of the non‑Russian peoples have many aspects, and all are exploited tactically by Soviet Moscow for the final aim, to kill their nationalism, to assimilate, and to Russify them. The "solution of the nationality problem," Russian Communist style, is a political action at the beginning of which Soviet Moscow enthusiastically supports the supply democratic idea of a nation, and through many tactical stages results in the disappearance of the nation itself; thus the problem is solved.
Besides a perfection and intensification of all the previously mentioned methods used by Soviet Moscow, against the liberation movements of non‑Russians, the decade beginning with 1950 is characterized by the following peculiarities (we limit our material primarily to the Ukraine):
a) Latest persecutions of the Ukrainian peasantry. The Ukrainians and Byelo-Ruthenians, tempted and deceived by Pan‑Slavism and p308 junior partnership, have been since the beginning of 1951, under a new heavy Russification pressure. The collective farms have still preserved a national peasantry with national traditions which oppose Russification. As in 1928 a renewed attack is directed against the peasant masses, beginning in 1950 under the pretext of the formation of large collective farms through the merging of smaller farms. But all published details show that political reasons rather than economic have led Moscow to the new persecutions. A special "gauleiter" from Moscow, Melnikov, functions as the new Postyshev in the Ukraine and he as decreed the following: the chairmen of the collective farms are no longer to be elected but are appointed by the Party; all chairmen who functioned for more than ten years must be "newly trained"; the peasants, born in the village and pledged to the soil by family traditions, are redistributed to new collective farms, which are more easily controlled; a newer and more rigid "work discipline" has to be enforced by special Communist agitation, etc., etc. Behind this new drive is the growing restlessness of the peasantry in connection with the actions of the Ukrainian Partisan army. Thus the new Ukraine anthem and flag will form the smoke screen for the coming blow against the Ukrainian nation.
b) A systematically planned action to break the traditions of cultural independence from Moscow.
The Russian Communists started to organize in Moscow ten‑day "celebrations" of the literatures and cultures of the non‑Russian groups, which formed Union Republics. In the same manner and for the same goal as the Tatarian Khans once summoned the Muscovite Vassal princes and their courts to the capital Saray it pay tribute and to renew their oaths of allegiance, drinking the kumys, the Russian Communists now summon the poets and writers of the vassal non-Russian nationalities to Moscow. However, the Russian Communists surpassed the old Tatarian Khans; they organize among the non‑Russian poets and writers "Socialist competitions" for the glorification of Soviet Moscow "to obtain higher productivity and to increase output and efficiency." The plans for the decade of Ukrainian arts and literature are set forth in the paper radyanska Ukraina, December 9, 1950.
"In the creation and development of the Socialist culture, especially Ukrainian Soviet culture, a distinguished role belongs to the elder brother of the Ukrainian nation — to the leading nation of all nations, which encloses them into the Soviet Union. The freedom loving character and creative genius of the Russian people, the high idealism of the social ideas of Russia have since continue old days of the past benevolently influenced the cultures of other nations. Perhaps the Ukrainian people have felt it the strongest.
"Ukrainian literature, arts, liberal arts, any branch of the culture of our nation wears itself the zeal of the life-giving influence of the great culture of the Russian people. Above all this influence was strengthened after the Great October Socialist Revolution. Educated by the Leninist-Stalinist ideas of the equality and unshakable friendship of nations, the p309 Russian people gave tremendous help to all nationalities of our country, especially the Ukrainian in their economic and cultural rise."
The current Ukrainian Soviet Press is publishing reports about this decade in Moscow. The leading poet, Rylsky, addressed Moscow in a poem: "Homage to Moscow, for thee, Moscow, admiration of the whole world, praise fills all the hearts; accept a bow to the earth from all the peoples, Moscow! Accept from the toiling Ukraine words of gratitude, friendship and fidelity; Moscow leads all on to sunny heights!" — in similar sycophantic Byzantinism is written the rest of the poem. Another leading poet, Tychina, wrote: "We are in Moscow! Moscow is our mother!" and so on, competing with Rylsky. The poet Bazhan "with a heart, which beats with joyful and solemn expectation . . . I thank you for it that the wise eyes of the Party, the wise eyes of Stalin, fatherly, lovingly and demandingly observe, direct, and inspire every creative heart of our land . . . the Ukraine from the Tissa to the Don thanks father Stalin for the happiness, joy and wealth. . . . "
The poor poets are not only required to glorify the slavery of the Ukraine as freedom, but they must also vociferously assert that freedom is slavery in the manner of the poet Malyshko describing the Statue of Liberty following:
"Against the shore the Hudson's waters pound From billboard-plastered Wall Street comes a din And in the darkness, little, old and staring 'round Stands Liberty's Statue with her vacant grin. "She stares into the darkness without stir Without suffering, without trace of sadness For they, they have their paws on her The greedy bankers — the vile spiders. " [But] the poet knows that lights of a different liberty are shining in the land. The vital one that Lenin used to nurse The one that Stalin hardened in his fight Which stands invincible in concentrated light The very center of the universe." |
The Byelo-Ruthenian literature cannot yet reach these "Sunny heights" and Petrus Brovka in his poem "Russia" is rather laconic:
"You have lit our horizons, Russia, Motherland, Moscow. And, once and forever, Stalin Gave the people all their rights." |
Thus the writers and poets of the non‑Russian nations, who did not perish in Siberian camps or had not the good luck to escape outside the Soviet Union are used by Soviet Moscow for such "tributes" and p310 "fidelity declarations," which in the end serve only as proofs of the spiritual abyss between them and Soviet Moscow.
c) Use of the Russian language for literary and creative work by non‑Russian writers is the planned next step of Russification.
One of the Communist Ukrainian poets, W. Sosyura, has already arrived at this stage of the Russian language policy and was especially distinguished by an article in the Russian journal, Novyi Mir, Nr. 2, 1951. Sosyura writes in the preface to his booklet, To the Fatherland, written in Russian:
"The Russian language has introduced me to poetry. Reading Russian books I got acquainted with the treasures of Russian and world literature. . . . Publishing a collection of my Russian poems I wish to acquaint my readers with that which helped me, a Ukrainian poet, which I never forgot, never am forgetting and never will forget, so long as my breast is breathing, my eyes are seeing and songs are humming in my heart. From time to time I even now am writing in Russian my poetry, because I cannot resist it. . . ."
The Russian Communist Tarasenkov concludes:
"These Sosyura's words once again prove that the Lenin-Stalin nationality policy fosters the strengthening and development of the national languages and likewise creates a limitless respect of all nationalities for the Soviet Union and the great Russian language. These words of Sosyura are also an excellent answer to the bourgeois nationalists who struggle for full separateness of the language creation of the Ukrainian (and any other) language. . . . The Russian language offers to all humanity the light of the most inspired, most progressive, most lofty of human ideas. Broad and many-sided is its influence upon the non‑Russian nationality world. Mayakovsky expressed himself thus:
"Even if I would be a Negro in his old age, I would without despair and laziness learn the Russian language only for the reason that Lenin himself spoke it." |
In the future any non‑Russian poet will not be considered in good standing in Moscow if he will not write also in Russian.
Writing in Russian will be looked upon as the manifestation of full loyalty to Moscow and to "human progress." The goal is clear: the intellectual elite overall non‑Russian nationalities, which ordinarily derived its inspirations from outside, according to their historical traditions, will be forced to use Russian as the only cultural source and, in fact, as the only literary language.
d) The newest addition to Russian tactics is downright genocide. The fate of the Volga Germans, of the Crimean Tatars, of the Kalmyks, Chechen, Ingush, must "stimulate" the remaining non‑Russian peoples.
Taking into account the present Soviet Press and literature we become aware of the principles which guide these Russian Communist propaganda among all non‑Russian peoples:22
a) "Fatherland": the Communist Party teaches that "the patriotism of the Soviet people is different from that of other peoples, because the 'idea of fatherland and mother country' is most fully felt only by our people."
b) One capital of the fatherland: Moscow, "all the nationalities have only one capital Moscow."
c) One's own non‑Russian culture and language may be loved as "regional peculiarities": "The love of one's own national culture and language, in the present conditions of mutual respect and brotherly cooperation of the peoples of the U. S. S. R., leads to a strengthening of the love of the fatherland of all Soviet peoples, of the Soviet Union."
d) The unity of aims of all people of U. S. S. R. and ways to realize them: "the unity of aims and ways, established by the great Lenin and Stalin . . . fosters friendship among the nationalities. The links of an unbreakable friendship, which have hung together during the course of history of the Russian and Ukrainian peoples, were yet more strengthened during the period of the establishment of socialism in our country."
e) The primacy and leadership belongs to the Russians: whom "all the peoples of the Soviet Union have treated with special adoration and gratitude as their elder brother and whom they are still treating as such, the Russian people, under whose leaderships they have overthrown the Tsarist autocracy."
These are the new Soviet expressions for the Western meaning: political and cultural Russification of all non‑Russian nationalities.
Throughout internal and foreign politics this ideology is constantly repeated by all mediums of modern propaganda. Inside the Soviet Union the nationality problem "is solved," outside the Soviet Union all nationalities, especially the American Negroes, are "waiting" for the liberation by Soviet Moscow. During the annual Stalin Constitution Day the tenets of the Soviet propaganda regarding the nationality problem appear particularly clear in the Soviet press. For instance, Pravda, December 5, 1950:
"Today the peoples of our great motherland and honest men throughout the world are observing Stalin Constitution Day, the day of the constitution of triumphant socialism, of the most democratic constitution in the world. The peoples of our country proudly call their constitution Stalinist, demonstrating their boundless love for their great leader and teacher, the creator to constitution of triumphant socialism.
"There is no more seem to be state in the entire world than the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. The Soviet system of organizing society is p312 the most democratic and viable system. The Soviet multinational state is free of the irreconcilable class and national contradictions which rend the capitalist world.
"The great superiority of the socialist system and of Soviet democracy can be seen especially clearly against the background of capitalism's progressive decay and the corruption of bourgeois democracy. The indignation of the masses at the capitalist yoke is intensifying, hatred of the colonial and dependent peoples for their imperialist enslavers is growing. The national liberation movement of peoples is spreading. Attempting to avert the inevitable downfall of the capitalist system, the imperialist bourgeoisie of the U. S. A. and other countries are liquidating the last remnants of the democratic rights of the working people and adopting fascist methods of government.
"But, however much the black forces of imperialist reaction rage, however much the right-wing Socialist lackeys of Wall Street try, they are not in a position to stop the march of history to peace, democracy and socialism."
Izvestia, December 3, 1950, "Stalinist Friendship of Peoples of U. S. S. R.":
"Fifteen years ago, on Dec. 4, 1935, a conference was held in the Kremlin between leading collective farm men and women of Tadzhikistan and Turkmenistan and heads of the Party and government. Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin spoke at the conference, pointing out the great role of the friendship of peoples in the development and strengthening of our multinational socialist state. In the 15 years since that date the Soviet Union has become still more powerful, and the Stalinist friendship of peoples has become still more firm and inviolable.
"During the great patriotic war this friendship passed a severe test in the battles for the honor and independence of our motherland, proving to be one of the deciding conditions in the victory over Nazi Germany and imperialist Japan. Since the war the heroic strength of this friendship has been manifested in peaceful, creative labor.
"National oppression and hostile among peoples was bred of the exploitative system. All capitalist multinational states, formed through deception and violence, are wracked from within by both class and national contradictions. The Bolshevist party and its leaders Lenin and Stalin always related the struggle for the emancipation of nationalities to the general struggle of the workers for liberation from the yoke of capital.
"At the Dec. 4, 1935 conference Comrade Stalin said: 'In olden times, when the Tsar, capitalists and landowners had the power in our country, the policy of the government consisted of making one people — the Russian — dominant, and all others subordinate and oppressed. This was a monstrous, predatory policy. In October, 1917, when our great proletarian revolution unfolded, when we overthrew the Tsar, the landowners and the capitalists, Lenin, our teacher, father and instructor, said that thenceforth there should be neither dominant nor subordinate peoples, that peoples must be free and equal. . . .' The Declaration of Rights of Peoples of Russia, worked out by Comrade Stalin and signed by Lenin p313 and Stalin, proclaimed equality and sovereignty of the peoples of Russia; their right to free self-determination, even to secession not formation of independent states; the retraction of all national-religious privileges and limitations; and free development of the national minorities and ethnic groups inhabiting Russia.
"Together with the great Lenin, Comrade Stalin worked to unite all the Soviet republics into a single federated state. this work culminated in the adoption at the First All‑Union Congress of Soviets, Dec. 30, 1922, of the historic resolution on the formation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. The great Russian people played an outstanding role in the formation and consolidation of the Soviet multinational state.
"The formation of the U. S. S. R. was a triumph of Leninist-Stalinist national policy, a classic, functioning solution of the national question and a confirmation of the new relationships among the peoples of our motherland. Welded into a single fraternal family, the peoples of our country, led by the party of Lenin and Stalin, made the Soviet Union a mighty industrial and collective farming state. The formation of the U. S. S. R. opened up borad prospects to the development of the statehood, economy and culture overall Soviet republics.
"The Stalin Constitution proclaimed the equal rights of all citizens of the U. S. S. R., regardless of nationality and race. It upholds in deeds the common interests of all citizens of the country and the specific interests of the national republics and provinces — of all peoples, large and small. This is also true of the U. S. S. R. Supreme Soviet, highest organ of Soviet power, which is made up of two equal chambers, the Council [Soviet] of the Union and the Council of Nationalities. In the Council of Nationalities the Turkmenian Republic, for example, has the same number of representatives as the Russian Federation, which has scores of times as many inhabitants as Turkmenistan.
"It is generally known that in the U. S. A., for example, millions of Negroes and Indians, deprived of all human rights, are doomed to poverty and extinction. The imperialist colonizers preach a fascist race theory in order to 'establish' Anglo-Saxon superiority, drowning in blood the national liberation struggle of peoples, as witnessed by their aggression against the Chinese People's Republic and the freedom-loving people of Korea.
The Leninist-Stalinist principles of internationalism, friendship and equality of peoples lie at the basis of the peace-loving policy of the Soviet state, which defends the cause of world peace."
All this Soviet propaganda is written for export, above all for Asia. Here the nationality problem becos the chief instrument of Russian imperialism. In Volume XXXIII of Lenin's Works (p458) we se that Lenin ascribed particular importance in the final victory of Socialism throughout the world to the growing revolutionary struggle of the peoples of the East:
"The outcome of the struggle depends in the final analysis on the fact that Russia, India, China, etc., form the vast majority of the population. It is this majority of population which has been involved with p314 unusual speed in recent years in the struggle for its liberation, so that in this sense there cannot be a shadow of doubt concerning the final outcome of the world struggle. In this sense the final victory of socialism has been fully and unconditionally secured" (p458)
The Russian center directing the "solution of the nationality problem of Asia" is the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy. The Vestnik Akademii Nauk S. S. S. R., Nr. 2, 1951, the following instruction:
"The Presidium of the U. S. S. R. Academy of Sciences adopted a number of resolute measures for radical improvement of work in Soviet Oriental studies. . . . The institute has been assigned the task of concentrating principally on scientific elaboration of problems of the modern and recent history, language and literature, Etruria and politics of the countries of the present‑day East, and also national-colonial problems. An extended scientific elaboration of these problems should be based, naturally, on a serious study of the entire history of Eastern peoples, including medieval and ancient history, but a study of the topical problems of the history, economy and politics of the peoples of the present‑day East is the fundamental task of the Institute of Oriental Studies. Only by concentrating its energies on solution of these problems will the Institute of Oriental Studies fulfill those new tasks which have been placed before it.
"In our day, when events and enormous historic significance are occurring in the East, when great economic and cultural construction is being undertaken more and more extensively in the Chinese People's Republic, when the peoples of Korea and Viet Nam are conducting a persistent struggle against the imperialists for freedom and independence, when the national liberation movement is flaming up more and more in other Eastern countries, responsible new tasks arise for Soviet Oriental studies. Soviet Orientalists, armed with Marxist-Leninist methodology, should study those processes now taking their course in the Eastern countries. Along with this, special attention should be given to such problems as the crisis of the colonial system of imperialism, people's democracy in the countries of the East, the national liberation struggle of the Eastern peoples, and, finally, the contribution of the Eastern peoples to the technology of world culture.
"The Institute of Oriental Studies should become a scientific center which unites and directs all the work of Soviet Orientalists which up to now was disjointed. The organizational structure of the old Institute of Oriental Studies did not conform to these tasks. Therefore, by resolution of the Presidium of the U. S. S. R. Academy of Sciences of Aug. 1, 1950, a new structure was formed for the Institute of Oriental Studies, which was divided into nine sections: (1) section on Julia, (2) section on mania Mongolia and Korea, (3) section on Japan, (4) section on the countries of Southeast Asia, (5) section on India and Afghanistan, (6) section on Iran, (7) section on Turkey and the Arab countries, (8) section on the Soviet East, (9) section (museum) of the Eastern manuscripts in Leningrad.
p315 "The most important theory problems linked with the national liberation movement and the nationality question, which Comrade J. V. Stalin has set forth and elaborated with such force and with such profundity, should be brought to the fore in the institute's works. In these works our Orientalists should process from those important principles contained in the brilliant works of J. V. Stalin, 'Marxism and Problems of Linguistics,' which have seminal significance for the development not only of linguistics but also of other social sciences.
"Setting out to fulfill the responsible tasks placed before it, the Institute of Oriental Studies has drawn up a five-year plan for its scientific work. Under this plan, the scientific research of the Institute should take the following great deal directions.
"The personnel of the institute should prepare for the press a number of fundamental monographs on the contemporary East. These should include, first of all, works on the history, economy, politics and culture of the countries of the East which have been liberated forever from the yoke of imperialism and reaction, and, in particular, serious attention should be given to a study of the social-economic reforms in present‑day China. Themes linked with the aggravation of the crisis of imperialism's colonial system and the rise of the national liberation struggle in Eastern countries have been introduced in the plan. The aggressive policy of American-British imperialism in these countries should be exposed in these works. Simultaneously, special works on the modern and recent history and the literary history of India, Iran, Japan, Turkey, Burma, the Philippines, and a number of other Eastern countries, and integrated research projects on these countries, have been included in the five-year plan; also, works which expose the antinational role of reactionary ideologies, particularly Pan‑Islamism and Pan‑Turkism, which are instruments of imperialist reaction in the East.
"The institute should prepare a number of large works on the culture and national traditions of the peoples of the Soviet East. In this connection, large monographs devoted to the literary history of the peoples of Azerbaidzhan, Uzbekistan, Kara-Kalpakia and Tadzhikistan have been included in the five-year plan.
"Study of the problem of the historic role of advanced Russian culture in the development of the peoples of the Soviet East, particularly of Central Asia, is very important in terms of principle."
In Asia, Soviet Moscow's chief instrument is nationalism (often with undertones of a systematic hatred against the white "imperialists") to hasten the final liquidation of her economic and political rivals: the U. S. A., England, and France. This fight against colonialism by Soviet Moscow, with the help of the national ideas of the native peoples, can well result in all of Asia's becoming a colonial empire of Moscow, including India, Afghanistan, and Persia in the sphere of Soviet influence. Siberia is the great Russification laboratory; from the thousands of proletarized and uprooted peasants and intelligentsia of the non‑Russian nationalities Soviet Moscow attempts, by means of cooky and whip, to create a Russian-speaking Soviet nation, the basis for the Russification of Asia.
This factor shows the ineffectiveness of Russian propaganda and demonstrates that the non‑Russian nationalities oppose by force Soviet Moscow. Stalin himself, inadvertently, betrays this failure in the following official edict:23
"Statute on the Medal 'For Excellent Subservience in Maintaining Public Order.' (Vedomosti Verkhovnovo Soveta, Nov. 16,º p1.)
"(1) Officers, sergeants, privates and other personnel of the militia agencies of the U. S. S. R. Ministry of State Security are decorated with the medal 'For Secret Service in Maintaining Public Order' for exploits and services rendered in combating common crime and maintaining public order in the country.
"(2) Decorations with the medal 'For Secret Service in Maintaining Public Order' are made by the U. S. S. R. Ministry of State Security in the name of the Presidium of the U. S. S. R. Supreme Soviet.
"(3) The Medal 'For Excellent Service in Maintaining Public Order' is awarded:
"for bravery and self-sacrifice displayed in liquidating robber-bandit groups;
"for bold and skillfully executed actions in preventing crimes which are in stage of preparation, or in uncovering common crimes which have been committed;
"for excellent supervision of operations in the detention of common criminals;
"for skillful organization of the work of the militia in combating common crime and in maintaining public order;
"for efficient service in the militia agencies of the U. S. S. R. Ministry of State Seicento.
"(4) The medal 'For Excellent Service in Maintaining Public Order' is worn on the left lapel and, if orders and other medals of the U. S. S. R. are worn, is placed after the medal 'For Excellent Protection of the U. S. S. R. State Frontier.'
"(5) The 'For Excellent Service in Maintaining Public Order' belonging to persons who fall in the course of discharging their professional duties or withhold die are pad on to the families of the holders of the medals, along with certificates relating to the medals, and are kept by them in memory."
What is the reason? The Ukrainian, Lithuanian, Byelo-Ruthenian, Turkestanian partisans are still conducting a constant civil war against Soviet Moscow, which encourages also all other oppressed nationalities acts of sabotage and revenge. Another document also reveals the situation in the Soviet Union. On May 26, 1946, the Soviet Press proudly printed the news that "fulfilling the numerous requests of the workers- p317 re‑established and party organizations from all the national republics to Soviet Union, and the incessant demands of all leaders of culture, the Supreme Soviet has sanctioned and published a law abolishing the death penalty and motivated it by the development of socialist humanism." The then minister of justice declared that "hereby is opened a new page in the history of the great Soviet Union." On January 12, 1950, the Soviet Press brought the news that again "fulfilling the numerous requests of the workers-peasants-professional and party organizations from all the national republics of the Soviet Union and the incessant demands of all leaders of culture" the same Supreme Soviet "re‑established the death penalty for spies, traitors, diversionists and persons, who shatter the power of the state." The new page of Soviet humanism could not cope with the opposition of the non‑Russian nationalities and the old Muscovite methods for the solution of nationality problems were re‑established. Slave labor camps and police proved inefficient.
What is happening in the Baltic States at the present time is vividly presented by A. Kalme, Total Terror, an exposé of genocide in the Baltics (Appleton-Century-Crofts). Regarding the situation of the Ukraine the most striking proof that the Soviet government is greatly concerned about the Ukrainian underground is offered by the official proclamation of Lt. Gen. M. Kovalchu, Minister of State Security of the Ukrainian SSR, directed to the Ukrainian underground. Dated December 30, 1949, this Order No. 312 was posted in every Ukrainian city, town, and village. It declared that hundreds of "illegals," principally youth, were hiding in the woods and engaging in anti-State activities. Gen. Kovalchuk stated that the "Government of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic empowered" him to grant full pardon to all those who voluntarily surrendered. The text is reproduced in full:
"1. All heads of district administrations, city and county units of the MGB in the Western provinces of the Ukrainian SSR are not to hold criminally responsible all those members of the bands, including their chieftains, who voluntarily surrender:
"2. The granting of the right of free choice of habitation in all who voluntarily surrender. The local organs of the government shall render them all assistance in finding employment in their old places of residence if possible, or in other districts of their own choosing upon surrender;
"3. All heads of district administrations, city and county units of the MGB shall assure all who voluntarily surrender that the return from exile of their families to their old places of residence will be ordered;
"4. That in view of the fact that some local citizens know the bandits and maintain liaison with them, these citizens shall not be held criminally responsible if they sever their connection with the O. U. N. Benedict underground and reveal the whereabouts of the bandits by means of declarations, anonymous letters or otherwise;
"5. That in view of the fact that some persons who abandoned schools of general education and of the trades were deceived and terrorized by p318 the bandits and went over to the underground and continue to hide despite the fact that they have committed no crimes, such persons therefore shall be permitted to return to their parents.
"6. The organs of the MGB and the militia shall intensify the struggle against those bandits who are unwilling to surrender and who, by threat and provocative action, prevent other illegals from breaking away from the underground and returning to honest work in collective farms and factories;
"7. Persons who continue to give shelter and material or any other kind of assistance to them, as well as those found in possession of arms, shall be considered as active supporters of the bandits and as such held criminally responsible.
"The Ukrainian Soviet people shall deal mercilessly with those remnants of the defeated bands who do not take advantage of this last opportunity. Their end is inevitable.
"This order is to be widely publicized among the population of the Western provinces of the Ukrainian SSR.
"Minister of State Security of the Ukrainian SSR, L‑Gen. M. Kovalchuk."24
In Chapter III we gave a translation of the Ukaz from the year 1876 concerning the Ukrainian language.
In order to picture the present situation of the non‑Russian languages in the Soviet Union let us compare the articles of the Ukaz of the Russian Tsar with the present "regulations" imposed by Russian Communism on the Ukrainian nation and its language:
a) Tsarist article 1: "It is forbidden to import into the Empire, without special permission of the Chief-Censor Office, all books and pamphlets in Ukrainian." This is kept in full force by the Russian Communist dictatorship. To send a private person a Ukrainian book in the Soviet Union is to deliver him to the MVD; even to write, from outside, a letter in Ukrainian means for the addressee immediate investigation and the certainty of being marked as a "suspect" for the next group to "slave labor." Thus the Tsaristic regime was in this respect more liberal, for it supervised in the "black cabinets: only the correspondence of leading personalities. Russian Communism "democratized: this institution for all citizens regarding every kind of mail.
b) Tsarist article 2 reads: "It is forbidden in the Empire to print original works and translations in Ukrainian with the exception of historical and literary documents and of works of belle-lettres, under the proviso that in the historical documents the orthography of the originals has to be strictly adhered to; tin works of refined literature no p319 deviation from the Russian orthography is permitted and permission for printing may be given, without exception, only by the Chief-office for Printing after censoring them." In substance this article is kept in full force by Russian Communism; all Ukrainian printing is under Russian censorship; the orthography enforced by Russian Communism is strictly obligatory and any deviation is "counterrevolution"; Russian Communism has "improved" considerably the old Tsarist Ukaz by putting not only Ukrainian printing, but the whole Ukrainian press and all literary creation under Russian "planning" and censorship. In Tsaristic Russia, Ukrainian writers and poets could freely create "at home," and keep their works in the "drawer" or send them for publication outside; Communist Russia finally ended such liberalism and "production anarchy" nearby establishing full control of the mind. In Tsaristic Russia a "Historical Dictionary of the Ukrainian Language" could be edited under some title; but Communist Russia stopped it as "counterrevolution" at the letter zh. Thus the old Russian censorship is now highly perfected and reaches not only the printing but the very creative process of pre‑World War I in purified publications according to the Russian Communist Party line.25 It is well to bear in mind that the liquidation of the Ukrainian nation and its "merging" with the Russian Soviet Nation is the aim of this party line.
c) Tsarist article 3: ""Forbidden are all theatrical performances and lectures in Ukrainian and also the printing of texts under music-songs"; in essence this article is also kept in full force by the Russian Communists; lectures and performances, as well as the printing of song texts are under full Russian Communist censorship; as the Russian Communists have established thought control also over the very creative process, only Russian approved or ordered performances or lectures can be given in Ukrainian; thus also this Tsarist article has been highly improved by Russian Communism.
d) So we see: Russian Communism limits the use of a non‑Russian language to propaganda purposes for Hoog the Communist master race and for effective cultural Russification of the non‑Russian peoples. The non‑Russian languages have the right only to gracefully the previous and present Russian hangman of their own nations and to praise the Russian boot, which is kicking them in the teeth, as contributing to the "happy life" and as "the most progressive democracy of the world."
The Ukrainian example applies to all non-Russian nationalities. They are fully justified, according to the Stalin than, to use their own languages for their own cultural denationalization, for smearing and slandering all their leaders and writers who loved liberty and fought Russia, and to sing Hallelujahs for Ivan the Terrible, Peter I. Lenin, and Stalin.
p320 The Russians have the exclusive monopoly of censorship over printing, over the creative literary and journalistic activities of all non‑Russian languages. The U. S. S. R. Academy of Sciences is in fact the supreme office invested with absolute authority to control thought, and exercise censorship by issuing "decrees."
While the Russian Tsars were liberal dilettantes, their higher bureaucrats were unquestionably talented men. Although after 1876 the Ukrainian language was forbidden in Russia, the Russian Government used the Ukrainian language at the same time in the U. S. A., for its Pan‑Russian propaganda, which was conducted here by the Russian Orthodox Church. For this purpose the paper Svit was established. In No. 5, 1898, it printed the following announcement: "It is permitted to publish the paper Svit in the Ukrainian language by the Ukaz of the Holy Ruling Russian Synod of November 27, 1897, which was issued under No. 6570 for the Most Rev. Nicolay, Aleutian Bishop." This paper aimed at combating all influences of the American ideas of liberty and democracy among the Ukrainian emigrants in the U. S. A., and of prevent these ideas from penetrating into Russia through the Americans of Ukrainian descent. This paper attempted to Russify culturally the Ukrainian emigrants in the U. S. A. by preaching that they were also here under the protection of the "mighty Russian big-brother Empire." It urged its readers to join the "true Slavic Christianity" by renouncing the Catholic faith and accepting the "great Russian language" as literary language, because the Tsar himself spoke Russian. The same propaganda is now carried on in the U. S. A. and Canada by the Communist Ukrainian daily press with the old "big‑brother" slogans, Pan‑Slavism, and "learn the language of Lenin and Stalin." It is well known who pays for and directs such propaganda. This subversive action is going on in the U. S. A. not only in Ukrainian, but in nearly all languages of the Moscow-oppressed nationalities. The new Russia, like the Russia of old, fights in the U. S. A. the democratic national idea of this country and of all non‑Russian nationalities, misusing here their languages for this purpose.
We sum up the present pitiful situation of the non‑Russian languages and cus in the Soviet Union as compared with the Russian in the following points:
a) The non‑Russian languages and cultures do not enjoy equal rights with the Russian language and culture, as is promised by the Soviet Constitution. As a matter of fact this law is disregarded and daily violated by the ruling Russian proletariat. The Russian copper and language is under the protection of the Russian Communist Government, of the Russian Communist Party, and of the Russian writers in every part of the Soviet Union. The non‑Russian languages and cultures are deprived of free cultivation by their writers, artists and scholars; they enjoy no protection from their alleged national governments, which in fact are acting as agencies for the enforcement of Russification measures ordered by Soviet Moscow. Consequently, all non‑Russian nationalities, their languages and cultures, do not enjoy the same rights of free development as are enjoyed by all nationalities outside the Soviet Union. They are discriminated against by the Russian p321 Communists and out behind the Russian master-race culture and master language into a special "Jim Crow compartment," over which the Russians inscribed in the Soviet Constitution the slogans "of equality and freedom."
b) The non-Russian languages and cultures in the Soviet Union are oppressed by the Russian proletariat, which dictates the course of their development toward full Russification, according to Russian imperialist interests. The Russian proletariat proclaimed itself as the "great" Russian nation with the "great" Russian culture and the "great" Russian language, and extorts from the non‑Russian peoples by terrorism a continuous "worship of the great Russian nation, its culture and language," including homage to such monsters as Ivan the Terrible, Peter I, Kutuzow, and Suvorov, as their own "Soviet" mother country — culture — and language. The chief attack of the Russification policy is directed against the cities, because they control everything: education, political thought, and economic power.
c) For nearly a quarter of a century before 1950, the Russian proletariat conducted a systematic Russification of all non‑Russian languages according to Marr's linguistic theory, preaching the necessity of speeding up by compulsory means the "unification, fusion, and merging" of these languages with Russian. The final revocation of Marrism by Stalin is a great political victory of the opposition forces of all non‑Russian nations against Russification, in spite of the great losses sustained in this struggle by their writers, poets, journalists, and scholars.
d) The new Stalinist linguistics did not change the basic goal of Russification of the Russian Communist nationality policy in regard all non‑Russian nation peoples; Stalin changed only the methods of Russification; the propagated obligatory bilingualism in the whole sphere of Russian Communism promises as an intermediate stage of Russification to achieve an easier advance of Russian cultural imperialism and an easier penetration of Russian as the "language of the world proletariat."
e) The Russification of the non‑Russian groups is systematically promoted by the Russian Communist Party and enthusiastically supported by the new generation of the Communist "black hundreds." This policy follows three lines, which mutually supplement each other, and represent an "improvement" over the old Tsarist methods in fighting the demands of self-determination among the non‑Russian peoples.
(1) The first line is the systematic weakening of the will power of the non‑Russians to resist the Russian cultural imperialism and the Russian language. It is the systematic weakening of all creative forces among the non‑Russians by innumerable chicaneries and constant inquisitions among the defenders of the equality and freedom of the non‑Russian cultures and languages. Such weakening and discouragement is especially effected by the pointing to "the international language of the future, which is declared to be just around the corner." Why waste time with your "backward" languages, jump on the band-wagon of "progress," at any rate "unification will soon come, a fusion of all languages into one language," why then so sensitive about your own mother languages?
(2) The second line constantly hammers home the Communist p322 propaganda that Russian is not an ordinary language, it is the "great language," the language of "progressive humanity," the "international language of the world proletariat." Then — why not adopt it immediately, rather than waste your labor and time by demanding equality for the "backward" languages? Can you and your family not be suspected of opposing the "inevitable" victory of Russian Communism if you do not accept Russian?
(3) The third line is the honor paid to "national renegadism" of non‑Russians as "proletarian heroism" by the Russian Communist Party. Anybody of the non‑Russian intelligentsia who "adopts the Russian language," and starts to use it for his creative work, is immediately glorified and his step is regarded as a manifestation of loyalty to the "great Russian nation," "the great Lenin and Stalin," and — the "International Proletariat." And, of course — as in old Tsarist times — all promotions and material belongs are showered on the Russian "neophyte." Behind the Russian Communist idea of "Internationalism" idea of "Internationalism" is the old idea of Pan‑Russianism, and this "Internationalism" became a watchword "Soviet patriots" with an aura of heroic achievement for "humanity." The intellectual rabble and scum of all non‑Russian nationalities finds it expedient to join the power-happy Russian "Herrenvolk." The cynicism and brutality of these renegades represents to the Russian mind the ideal of a real "hero."
(4) There is something satanic in the present Communist Russian elite, which is conducting this Russification with all the terroristic means at its disposal. This elite is based on the communal crime of denying the idea of freedom. The native Russians must deny the freedom even of their own people, because they know that only through tyranny they can hold together the new "Russian Empire." All the non‑Russians who join the new imperial elite, must deny the freedom of their own oppressed peoples and help the Russian Communist in upholding the oppression of their own peoples. The Russian Communist elite is basically a gang of renegades bent upon the suppression of freedom in the service of Russian imperialism and Russian intellectual authoritarianism.
The necessary prerequisite for the survival of this Russian totalitarianism is uniformity and conformity. Federalism was and is not acceptable to the Russian mind because political decentralization is the end of Russian tyranny over the non‑Russian peoples and therefore of a Russian empire. Consequently, Russian totalitarianism demands a centralized and uniform State, uniformity in education, police, press, language — a Russian "one world." In the free world there is unity amid the diversity of cultures and languages — a unity under freedom. Russian tyranny demands full uniformity, uniformity demands full thought control, thought uniformity demands language control, and that language uniformity demands full Russification.
f) The non‑Russian nationalities are the victims of the Russian Communist imperialism, which represents the climax of Russian chauvinism. These victims are pondering with feelings of horror the present moral p323 plight of a large part of the Russian nation and the tragic experience it is undergoing. The Russian "age of messianistic longing" gradually realized itself as an "age of terror" and brought about with its strategy of genocide and linguocide a "dark age" covering one sixth of the globe's surface. Such is the consequence of the denial of God and the Natural Law by the Russian Communists, which includes also the denial that man is a moral being. Herein lies the philosophical basis of the present Russian "progress" and its achievements; here are the real reasons for the opposition of the nations against Russian Communists, upon whom, in the opinion of the non‑Russians, is "the mark of the beast." Russian Communism demands from all non‑Russian peoples "the worship of this Russian beast," by denying the ideas of God and freedom. The non‑Russian peoples are keenly aware of these real reasons for the persecution of their cultures and languages by the Russians.
g) Thus the Russian Communist proletariat continues the old Tsarist Russian policy with respect to the non‑Russian nationalities, especially to the Slavic peoples the Byelo-Ruthenians and Ukrainians. The Russian Communist proletariat has re‑established in full force the thesis of the Russian "black hundreds" of Tsarist times, against which even a group of liberal members of the Russian Imperial Academy of Sciences once fought. The Russian Communists again reiterate this thesis — that the Ukrainian and Byelo-Ruthenian languages are not separate and independent Slavic languages, as are all other Slavic tongues, but that they are part and parcel of the Russian. The political reasons of this "philology" are obvious.
h) Thus the role of the Russian language and nation respecting the non‑Russian nations did not alter in the course of centuries.
In the period of feudalism the Russian language was forced upon the non‑Russians, especially by the Russian Church.
In the period of capitalism the Russian Tsars spread the Russian language with the bayonet into all non‑Russian territories as a "State language," using capitalism and the industrial revolution as tools for the Russification of the towns and their working class in the non‑Russian ethnic territories. In this they enjoyed the help of the Church, of the administration, the schools, and the army.
In the period of Russian Communism, in reality Russian State capitalism, the Russian proletariat proclaimed all the achievements of the Tsarist capitalist Russification as its "proud heritage" and instigated the Russification of the non‑Russian peasants, the chief element of the non‑Russian nationalities, under the slogans of "equality and freedom of all nations in the U. S. S. R." To this end they employed the weapons of terror and genocide. In the Soviet Union the reciprocal relations as they existed in the old Tsarist capitalist and feudal Russia between the Russian nation and the non‑Russian nations remained basically unchanged. The Russians, under Communist proletarian leadership, are the exploiter nation, the non‑Russian nations remained as before the exploited nations. Only the slogans were changed. The present Russian nationalist chauvinism, disguised as "internationalism" is the tried p324 old weapon of the exploiting Russian bourgeoisie and Tsarism. Only the slogans for the Russification were "progressively" modernized. Russian Communism, based on dictatorial State capitalism, continues the economic, cultural, and political oppression and Russification of all non‑Russian peoples and, reaching the zenith of Russian nationalist chauvinism, advances the old Russian aggressive imperialism in all directions, with the final goal of a World Soviet Union, under Russian dominations. This would represent the fulfilment of the old dream of the "Third Rome" in its modern form.
i) The non‑Russian peoples have not yet been subdued and are in the underground conducting a continuous anti-Russian revolution, which serves as an example for all the new victims of Russian imperialism: the Poles, Czechs, Slovaks, Roumanians, Hungarians, Bulgarians, Serbians, Croats, Slovenes, Estonians, Lithuanians, and Latvians.
The fight continues along the enlarged common front of all non-Russian nations within the Soviet Union and her sphere of influence, and outside the new Russian prison of nationalities.
On the background of the previous chapters we shall briefly review the evolution of the idea regarding the role of the Russian language in the Soviet Union.
Before World War I and after, the Russian literary language had a peculiar position among the Slavic languages. As compared with all other Slavic literary languages, especially the Ukrainian and Byelo-Ruthenian, this language was the farthest removed from the vernacular of the masses of its people. What was the attitude of the Russian common man toward his literary language? After the revolution, when linguistic discussions were not yet directed by the party line, there were many illuminating articles on this question. For instance, on June 12, 1924, in Pravda, Comrade Karpinsky writes in an article entitled: "The Basic Question of the Culture-Diffusion Epoch":
"Here it is necessary to call a spade a spade; among us there is going on a 'Nastoiashsheie stolpovorenie vavilonskoie.'26 The language, spoken by the mass, is regarded as a folk dialect (prostonarodnym narechiem), a jargon, and 'argot'-slang (of course a French word!). This language is treated by our writers contemptuously. The genuine people's words and phrases, the genuine people's construction of sentences and way of thought are not permitted in articles and speeches except perhaps in excusing quotation marks! The idea does not even enter our mind that, according to real justice, such a mysterious 'argot for the over-whelming majority of the population is just our so‑called 'literary language,' created by a privileged minority (the aristocratic intelligentsia)."
p325 In this we hear the truth, the opinion of the Russian man in the street regarding his own literary Russian language. G. Bosse said the same thing in the Review of the Scientific-Popular Literature on Biology, published by the Communist Sverdlov-University of Moscow, in 1924. He sharply criticized the "language of the intelligentsia, which for readers who are workers or especially peasants, is a foreign language."
Such critical remarks were still permitted in the Old Liberal-N. E. P. times. . . . Also permitted was the flourishing of non‑Russian languages. But then Russian Communism understood that liberty in the language sphere would stimulate the demand for freedom of thought and research and finally for full freedom. Like Russian Tsarism, Russian Communism must combat any form of freedom, for slavery of body and mind is its foundation. Therefore in 1928‑1930 a further evolution ensued.
The pogrom of the non‑Russian intelligentsia and peasantry was carried out with a simultaneous action for "Soviet" patriotism, which by proclaiming the old Russian cultural heritage as "the proletarian heritage" virtually became Russian chauvinism Thus contrary to the thesis of Marx that "the workers have no fatherland," the Russian workers received a "homeland, a motherland and a fatherland," which the Russian Communist Party declared also to be the "fatherland" of all the non‑Russian peoples. Consequently the Russian language was automatically restored to the old privileged position as the "language of the October revolution and of Lenin."
Soon there appeared new catch phrases from the leading Russian Communists, such as "Russian is the language of progressive humanity and world revolution," and as A. Tolstoy said, "Russian will be learned the whole world over."
During World War II, not only did the Russians become "the great Russian people" but Russian "the great Russian language." Stalin himself appealed thus: "Let the manly images of our great ancestors — Alexander Newsky, Dmitri Donskoi, Kusma Minin, Dmitri Pozharsky, Alexander Suvorov, Mikhail Kutuzov — inspire you in this war!" — and Kirpotin27 proclaimed:
"The Russian language, in which the great works of Lenin and Stalin are written, attracts not alone the peoples of the U. S. S. R., but all the toilers of the world. At one time the summit of European society made Latin the international language. Later, until very recently, French became the language of communion between peoples and governments. The Russian language is becoming the international language of socialist culture."
Still better were the historic missions of Russian as stated by D. Zaslavsky:28
"The Russian language has become a world language. It has won the recognition of the world's common people. They want to learn more p326 about the building of socialism and the sources of our country's might. The succession of languages runs through the ages. Latin was the language of the ancient world, French of the feudal epoch. English of capitalism, Russian is the world-language of socialism. French is the fancy language of courtiers, and English, the jargon of traders. They were the tongues of ruling classes and of snobbish intellectuals. Russian is the first language of internationalism. No one can call himself a scholar if he does not know Russian. Russians unquestionably occupy the first place in the social sciences. All future progress in these sciences has been determined by the genius of Lenin and Stalin."
Russian Tsarism with its "black hundreds," its Purishkevich and Krushevan never even dreamed about such successes. Thus the old privileged master-race language is restored in the Soviet Union to the old position and called "the literary language of all progressive humanity."
After Stalin's linguistic articles there appeared in Voprosy Filosofii, Nr. 3, 1950 (published January, 1951) an all by A. Ye. Mordinov, "On the Development of Language of Socialist Nations in the ussr33," in which the mission of the Russian language inside the Soviet Union and in the world is declared to be one piece. The article is full of the Communist upside-down language, falsifications, and lies but gives a good picture of the party line:
"We observe tremendous progressive development in the languages of all the peoples of the U. S. S. R. However, these languages have completely preserved their characteristic features, their grammatical rules and their basic vocabulary. They are developed not according to the formula of N. Ya. Marr's 'language creation theory,' but according to their own ir laws.
"Each language has its individual peculiarities, characteristic of it alone, which makes it a form of a definite national culture. But the recognition of these peculiarities in no way requires the isolation of languages from one another, the rejection of their mutual influence. One of the most important questions of Soviet linguistics is the question of the tremendous beneficial influence of the great Russian language on the development of the national culture and languages of all the peoples of the U. S. S. R. This question was confused by the vulgarizers and simplifiers.
"In his reply to Comrade A. Kholopov J. V. Stalin determined the difference of principle in the relationship among nations and their languages in the period before the world-wide victory of socialism and after the world-wide victory of socialism. Comrade Stalin teaches that in exploiting societies, where national and colonial oppression exists, hybridization of languages takes place as a struggle for the domination of One of the languages, that here the conditions do not yet exist for peaceful and friendly cooperation and mutual enrichment of languages, but assimilation of some and the triumph of other languages. J. V. Stalin explains that 'under these conditions there can be only p327 victors and vanquished.' This is fundamentally changed after the world-wide victory of socialism, after the elimination of national and colonial oppression, after the establishment of equal rights and mutual cooperation among nations and their languages. . . .
"In our country there has been established this completely new relationship among nations and their languages, a relationship of mutual cooperation of languages and culture, with the Russian people, their language and culture playing the leading role.
"The history of mutual relations among peoples knows no example of such a great, progressive influence on other peoples, their culture and language as the Russian people, their culture and language have had on the development of the culture and language overall the peoples of the Soviet Union, the people's democracies and the working people of the whole world as well.
"The leading, guiding role of the great Russian people in relation to all the peoples of our country is expressed also in Russian culture and the Russian language becoming powerful factors in aiding the development of the national cultures and languages of all the socialist nations of the U. S. S. R. The contact with Russian culture, the peak of which is Marxism-Leninism, study of the Russian language and mastery of it are great sources for the spiritual development of all the peoples of the Soviet Union and for the rapid flowering of their cultures and languages. . . .
"V. I. Lenin predicted long ago that the Russian language would become a language beloved of all the peoples of Russia after the overthrow of Tsarism, which conducted a policy of forcible Russification of the outlying national areas.
"The Tsarist government, in Vicksburg study in the native language in schools of non‑Russian peoples, in forbidding the publication of newspapers and magazines in the native language and in prohibiting its use in public institutions, impeded development of the people's cultures. The forcible inculcation of Russian aroused the working people's antagonism toward Russian and caused indignation and protest, as did all the forcible measures of Tsarism.
"Tsarism's Russification policy was simply a means of kindling Anio among nationalities and impeding development of popular education of the 'alien nationalities.'
"During the 300 years of Tsarist rule in Yakutia, for example, literacy of the population reached only 1%. Much the same situation existed among the other peoples of Siberia and Central Asia. It is well known that the Constitutional Democrats and other liberals supported Tsarism's Russification policy.
"Exposing the policy of the liberals in regard to national education, Lenin wrote: 'The Russian language is great and mighty, the liberals tell us; do you not want everyone who lives in whatever corner of Russia to know this great and mighty language? Can you not see that the Russian language will enrich the literature of other peoples, making it possible for them to acquaint themselves with great cultural riches?' And so on.
"All this is true,' Messrs. liberals, we answer them. We know p328 better than you that the language of Turgenev, Tolstoy, Dobrolyubov and Chernyshevsky is great and mighty. More than you, we want the establishment of the closest communion and fraternal unity among all the oppressed classes of all the nations inhabiting Russia, without exception. And, obviously, we want every inhabitant of Russia to have the opportunity to learn the great Russian language.
" 'There is only one thing we do not want: the element of compulsion. . . . We think the great and mighty Russian language does not have to make anyone study it under the rod. . . . Compulsion (the rod) while lead to only one thing: It will make harder the Russian language's acceptance by other national groups, and most of all it will intensify enmity, it will create a million new frictions and intensify irritation, mutual misunderstanding, etc.'29
"It should be emphasized that the working masses of oppressed peoples of Tsarist Russia did not nourish distrust or hostility toward Russian culture in general, but toward the culture of the Russian landlords and capitalists which was foreign to them and which the local exploiters adopted. The working masses of the nationalities of Russia always loved and esteemed the progressive democratic and social culture of the great Russian people and strove to master Russian in order to acquaint themselves with the achievements of Russian culture. . . .
"This striving was expressed by the leading representatives of the culture of all the oppressed peoples, followers and propagandists of the great Russian culture. . . . The leading figures of the Russian and all other peoples struggled against Tsarism's Russification policy precisely because it impeded the study of the Russian language and mastery of the advanced Russian culture by the peoples of Russia.
"As is known, the Anglo-American and other imperialists carry on a policy of aggression and annihilation of oppressed peoples and an assimilation policy toward their languages and culture, and their lackeys — the right-wing socialists — support in every way and zealously carry out this inhuman policy of imperialism. But this policy is doomed to failure. J. V. Stalin shows in his works the inevitable doom of the imperialists' assimilationist policy.
"The experience of history shows that forcible assimilation, not merely in the course of one or two but of several generations, is powerless to force even the smallest nation to reject its native language and adopt a foreign tongue.
"Only liberation from national oppression and the establishment of equality and friendship of peoples create a genuine stimulus for a real grasp of the language of a more cultured people by a people less cultured in the past, and that only in close connection with development of their own native language and their own national culture.
"V. I. Lenin's statement that the absence of compulsion strengthens the non‑Russian population's attraction to and love of the great Russian language has been brilliantly proved, as have all scientific predictions by our leaders.
p329 "À living example of this thesis of Lenin is the relationship established under socialism between the Russian people and the non‑Russian peoples of the U. S. S. R., between the Russian language and culture and the languages and cultures of the latter. This relationship is determined by the national policy of the party of Lenin and Stalin.
"At the basis of the Leninist-Stalinist national policy is recognition of the equal rights of nations and national cultures, of the principles of comprehensive aid by the great Russian people to all formerly oppressed and backward nations, of the principles of mutual aid among all peoples. The policy of the Bolshevist party is the basis of the harmonious flourishing of the culture and languages of all peoples of our country, of the gradual and steady obliteration of the differences in level of dvm of these peoples.
"The role of the Russian language in the development of the languages and cultures of all the peoples of the sur is constantly increasing. Russian has become a second native laja, in the full sense of this term, for each of the peoples of the Soviet Union.
"The Russian language is not only a means for our people to become familiar with the great Russian culture; it has also become a means of communication among the non‑Russian peoples of our multinational country. Representatives of all the nationalities come up with each other and exchange the achievements of their cultures only with the help of the Russian language, which has therefore become an inter-national language of the peoples of the U. S. S. R.
"But the significance of the Russian-language is not limited to this. The great Russian language is becoming a second native lag for the liberated peoples of the new democracies and the Chinese People's Republic which, fighting under the banner of Leninism, has freed itself from the yoke of 'its own' and international imperialism and now, studying Leninism and its practical expression — the great experience of Bolshevism — is advancing triumphantly along the path of establishing socialism.
"In our time the Russian language is becoming the most popular and widespread language in the world. The steady growth of the world importance of the Russian language reflects our country's role as vanguard is paving the way toward socialism, towed the liberation of all mankind from the yoke of exploitation and oppression.
"The U. S. S. R. is the fatherland of the working people, of the fighters for peace, democracy and socialism. All the people who are taking the path of socialism are rallying around the U. S. S. R. This is why a profound interest in and love for the Russian language and for Russian culture has sprung up among the working people throughout the whole world. At the same time, resistance by the oppressed peoples is increasing toward the assimilationist policy of Anglo-American imperialism, which suppresses and cripples their languages and cultures and forcibly propagates the English language in the colonies and semicolonies.
"Love for the Russian language and the attraction to Russian culture have never been so great as now, when the socialist soy structure has triumphed in our country. . . .
p330 "Now millions of people of all nationalities in our country are studying with enthusiasm and love the great and mighty Russian language, the language of Russian science and art, the language in which it is possible to master the peak of Russian and world culture — Leninism — through the primary source, the language in which it is put to come up not only with the great Russian people but also with all the peoples of the Soviet Union and the people's democracies.
"Our Party does not set knowledge and army of the native language in opposition to knowledge and study of Russian, as has been and is being done by bourgeois nationalists. On the contrary, competence in one's native language, knowledge of its laws, contributes to better mastery of Russian. And for precisely this reason the flourishing of popular education among all the nationalities of the U. S. S. R. in the native language is accompanied by widespread mastery of the Russian language. Knowledge of the Russian language in turn ensures the development of the native languages, which are influenced more and more by terms of science and technology, literature and art which are borrowed from the Russian. Thus, the native language cannot be developed further if Russian is not mastered at the same time.
"The great Russian language nourishes and enriches the languages of all our peoples, imparting to them its power and strength, its beauty and flexibility, its richness and variety.
"Ever increasing enrichment of their vocabulary from the Russian language has become the law of development of the languages of all the peoples of the U. S. S. R. The ideas most sacred to the Soviet people and the words expressing them — 'the Party,' 'socialism,' 'communism,' 'Communist,' 'Bolshevik,' 'Soviet Union' — the most widespread scientific and technical terms have been adopted by all the languages in ready-made form from the Russian and have become organic part of the vocabulary of the native language of each of the socialist nations.
"Since language is one of the most important elements in the national form of culture, this drawing together of languages of the socialist nations is one of the clearest indications of the drawing together of the national cultures of the peoples of the U. S. S. R.
"The popular MSS. movement for mastery of the Russian language has led to a need for revising the archaic alphabets which impeded the study of Russian. The overwhelming majority of Soviet peoples have changed their alphabet from the Latin to the Russian system.
"Twenty Turkic peoples, the Finno-Ugric peoples, the Tadzhik, Ossetian and Caucasian mountain peoples, the Buryats and foreign Mongolians night switched to a Russian alphabet. Thus transition has facilitated the study of the Russian language. Learning a single alphabet now provides at one stroke a basis for literacy in two languages — the native one and Russian; the expediency of this is obvious.
"The change to the Russian alphabet cannot be considered a replacement of the national written language of the peoples by the Russian written language. This measure aids the further perfecting of the national written language. With the transition of the national written language to the Russian alphabet there is manifested the maximum concern p331 that the new alphabet should in each concrete instance actually reflect all the necessary and most vital phonetic peculiarities of each national language and at the same time guarantee the assimilation by the language of terminology of the mored Ved Russian language.
"Thus, for example, there have been preserved in the new Yakut alphabet seven sounds absent in the Russian, without which it would be impossible to speak Yakutian correctly. These sounds are reproduced in slightly altered Russian letters. The characteristics of the national phonemes are taken into account in other alphabets also. The working people of all the national republics and provinces have approved the frame of their written language. . . .
"Where formerly the ideologists of the nationalist bourgeoisie tried in every way to bar the national languages from the influence of the great Russian language, to prevent the working masses from studying the Russian language, where they strove to Stalingrad the peoples of our country, to prevent their fraternizing, now the great Russian language has become a second native language and a mighty means of communication for all Soviet citizens regardless of their nationality, a powerful well-spring for the further development and perfecting of the languages of all Soviet nations, a language binding all peoples of the U. S. S. R. with the great Russian people as well as with each other.
"The practical experience of the peoples of the U. S. S. R. has fully confirmed the truth of our Party's statement on the equality and equal value of languages. All languages are equal in the sense that they have equal opportunity to develop under the economic and political conditions in which their creators and speakers — the people themselves — have been placed. They have proved equal in the sense that any language is a powerful means through which the people speaking it can reach the heights of socialist culture; tin sense that it is powerful instrument of struggle for communism. . . .
"J. V. Stalin teaches that mankind will arrive at a single language and a single culture under communism through the maximum development, the flourishing of the national languages and cultures under socialism. The experience of building the culture of the peoples of the U. S. S. R., national in form and socialist in content, fully confirms this inspired statement by our leader and teacher. This experience entirely refutes bourgeois nationalism, which strives to isolate the languages of the peoples from each other, to arrest the development of the language of every nation, to prevent the normal development of these languages. This experience also fully refutes bourgeois cosmopolitanism, which strives to do away with the national languages and cultures of the peoples, to force upon them the language and culture of the Anglo-American imperialists.
"In his work 'The National Question and Leninism' Comrade Stalin defined with inspired discernment the future of nations and national languages. He demonstrated that national differences and languages will begin to die out only in the third stage of the world dictatorship of the proletariat, when 'socialism enters into the daily lives of the peoples, when the nations become convinced through practical experience of the p332 advantages of a common language over national languages.'30
"Inspired by Comrade Stalin's statements, Soviet linguists, proceeding from the basis of generalizing upon the tremendous experience of building the cultures, national in form and socialist in content, of our peoples, will launch profound and comprehensive study of all problems of linguistics, for the further successful development of the languages of the socialist nations in the U. S. S. R."
zThat is the ideological Russian Communist smoke screen behind which is hidden the old Russification of the non‑Russian languages. All languages are equal, but Russian is "equaler" (supreme). The non‑Russian nationalities are tempted "voluntarily" to accept the "great Russian language" as an "international language," because it is practically the international language of all "progressive" peoples outside the Soviet Union. This world mission profited the Russian Communists, because they are the traditional defenders of the freedom of national languages against Anglo-American imperialists, who persecute national languages. There remains only a few questions: Why has the Russian language and nation disappeared from that paradise of national languages and cultures? Have these cosmopolitans" committed suicide, in order to discredit Lenin and Stalin? What guarantees are there that in the third stage of the world dictatorship of the proletariat another "common language" will emerge and that there will not tell introduced the "language of lenient and Stalin" for the function of the common language? What about the "theory of the succession or world languages" of Zaslavski, which proclaimed Russian as a similar function for the Communist world revolution?
Any careful student of Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism is convinced that the "solution" of the nationality problem according to the "dialectical method" carries Stalin's plan:31
"Protesting against the oppression of the Church and defending the right of confession of any group, at the same time we are against the Church altogether, fighting for the voy of a new conception of the world. It is the same with the self-determination of the nations. Recognizing this right and fighting for it, we are aut fighting against all rights of the nations which are not in harmony with the interest of the proletariat."
According to Soviet semantics "the interest of the proletariat" means "the interest of the Russian proletariat." Consequently, the "fight" of Russian Communism for the freedom of the Church resulted in the re‑establishment of the Russian Patriarch Church and the liquidation overall non‑Russian Churches; the fight for the self-determination of nations ended with the destruction of all self-determination and the re‑establishment of the Soviet Union as the Russian proletarian empire. Thus p333 all "Russian" equality and freedom for the non‑Russian cultures and languages in the Soviet Union has one aim: their annihilation by complete Russification. All democratic and liberal phraseology, used by the Russian Communists, about a future common language, which while non‑Russian, is window dressing for the gullible professors outside the Soviet Union. the interest of the Russian proletariat did not harmonize with the introduction of democratic Socialism, because this would mean the end of the exploitation of all non‑Russian nationalities. Hence there was introduced the Russian State capitalism, which represents the climax of Russian imperialism under the cover of international Communism and demands full Russification of all non‑Russian peoples in the "interest" of the world proletariat.
As to all the fine "expectations" about the future "common" language we prefer after an experience of a third of a century to believe the words of Lenin: "We must be ready for trickery, deceit, lawbreaking, withholding and conceal gate the truth" and the words of Stalin: "A diplomat's words must have no relation to action; words are one thing, action another," and to anticipate that the real plan of the Russian Communists is the realization of Zaslavski's theory.
The Russian Communists are not playing here with mere theoretical considerations; they mean business. Prof. Albert Parry, Colgate University,32 made a survey concerning the enforcement of Russian as an "international language" in the satellite countries of Europe and Asia. Combining his findings with our information we can say: The Russian Communist Party conducts a systematic campaign for the elimination of all "capitalist" languages in its sphere of influence and replaces them with Russian. This is done: (a) in all armies from company level, learning Russian is essential for promotion; (b) in all schools, even in China, preparatory work is carried on (according to Pravda, November 11, 1949), to introduce compulsory instruction in the Russian language in the intermediate schools;33 in Hungary, beginning with the second grade upward into the universities and in fact everywhere Russian becomes obligatory; (c) in all factories, not only courses, but also Russian choral singing are arranged; (d) in all Communist Parties the study of Russian is regarded as a proof of real loyalty to Communism.
p334 The whole action is backed by Soviet Moscow through visit professors in the universities, through guest lecturers, visits of theater ensembles, etc.
From the abundant information in the American press giving details of this campaign we obtain a picture of what is happening in Roumania, typical of what is happening in all satellite cous34 (Milwaukee Journal, December 7, 1950).
"If you don't speak Russian, you're not really living. That is what Russians are being told. The Communist newspapers of that iron curtain country are bombarding their readers with articles explaining the absolute necessity of learning Russian. The newspaper Scanteia Tineretului says: 'One cannot conceive of an honest, peace loving man, or a real lover of culture and science in the service of mankind, who does not strive to master the Russian language. Let us organize the greatest possible number of Russian css, in factories and workshops, institutions and collective farms. Let us attend these courses regularly and work our hardest to learn Russian as quickly as possible. Let us bring our colleagues to these courses and make every youth eager and determined to overcome all difficulties in order to master Russian." Viata Sindicala opened a similar plea with attraction from V. M. Molotov Prisoner Stalin's right hand man: 'There is no doubt that if Latin was the language of feudal society, French the language of capitalist society and English the language of imperialism, Russian is the language of our cene, in which all roads lead to communism.' . . . According to the same paper 'the Russian language has crossed the frontiers of the Soviet Union, borne on the banners of the liberating Red army, and today it reaches the farthest corners of the earth, borne on the wings of the dove of peace. In our country, too, all those who work with arm of mind must take the trouble to learn Russian, for in it they will find power and confidence in the final victory of the forces of peace and freedom captive the forces of war and oppression.' "
The Carnegie Endowment and the Rockefeller Foundation apparently accepted this point of view regarding the Russian world language long ago and with vast funds they have contributed and are contributing to a speedy realization of this problem in the U. S. A. They favor the monopolization of Slavic Studies by Russian Studies in American universities and colleges, whereby the cultural Russification of Americans of Slavic descent receives a powerful impetuous. How deep the Russian language as a symbol has penetrated, the following quotation from an article by William E. Bohn, with a quotation from Hede Massings, may demonstrate ("This Deception")35 about Noel Field, an official of the State Department:
" 'He hinted that he had a "rare" present for me. After we had had dinner at his house one night, he drove us all to the Lincoln Memorial. p335 Herta (Mrs. Field) and I walked slowly up the steps and wondered what would happen next. We looked at the Memorial, at the view, and then began to walk down the stamps toward the car. As we swung around we heard Noel's voice singing. Standing tall and straight on the top of the Memorial steps, he was singing the Internationale, the Communist hymn, at the top of his voice — in Rome! That was my "present." '
"This was a symbol. This keen, well-educated, ambitious young American, who was drawing his salary from our State Department, was proclaiming, before the shrine of Abraham Lincoln, his loyalty to the Kremlin."
What are the real reasons for this global cultural imperialism? For an explanation we must accept the point of view of Rev. Daniel A. Lord, S. J.,36 who sees in Russian Communism a complete religion, or better let us say an Ersatz religion:
"Communism has its bible, 'Capital.' It has its Moses, Karl Marx. It has its Messiah, Lenin, who lies in state in the mock holy sepulchre of Moscow's Red Square. It has its infallible Pope, Stalin, surrounded by a small hierarchy of ruling powers. Its elect are the party members. Its god is the state, that must be served with an answering devotion, a blind zeal, and a sacrifice of life and property and personal liberty never demanded by any god since the ancient days of Moloch of Carthage. It has its martyrs enshrined in martyrs' tombs. Its dogmas must be believed with such implicit faith that they cannot be discussed aversely or opposed in the slightest degree. . . . "
Russian Communism, as we see, is in reality a Russian caliphate, a Russian Communist church with the Russians as the "chosen people." But the parallel is deeper. Just as in the Catholic Church Latin is the symbol of union; so in the Russian Communist Church the Russian language is finally elevated to the position of a "holy language," to that of a symbol of Communist unity and loyalty. Consequently it has to be "preserved in the old classical glory" — mummified against changes of time.
In this present function, the Russian language no longer needed Marr's embarrassing theory for the further advance of Russification by "fusion and amalgamation." This theory could be revoked, since bilingualism in the Soviet Union is forced upon all non‑Russian peoples, and for the formation of the Russian "cultural sphere" in her present sphere of influence the new Communist messianistic formula promises more success. Russian Communism and Russian imperialism and chauvinism, merged indissolubly together in the new Russian Communist church, are regarded by many Americans with the same veneration as the Yogis of California look toward Tibet. "Dreamboat" — Soviet Moscow — "Third Rome." In this last stage Soviet Moscow makes masterly use of the 'nationality question' as an instrument for her final victory outside the Soviet Union. Moscow is very elastic, following many tactical zigzags, but never loses sight of the final aim: World Soviet Union under Russian p336 leadership and the domination of the Russian language and culture as the proletarian culture and language of the future.
The answer to the Russians of the non‑Russian nations of the Soviet Union and of the Soviet sphere of influence is the political mass emigration of the present time, a phenomenon unique in history. It is the continuation of the "Great Emigration" provoked by Russian Communist imperialism from the nineteen twenties.
The struggle of the political refugees of these nationalities outside the Soviet Union is directed in particular against the thesis of the Russian propaganda regarding the "solution of the nationality problem in the Soviet Union on the basis of equality and freedom." It is seeking the moral support of the free world for the non‑Russian peoples inside the Soviet Union in their struggle for liberty.
This struggle is conducted by the old Promethean League of the non‑Russian nationalities oppressed by Soviet Moscow. The ideas of this group are presently upheld and promoted by the Anti-Bolshevik Block of Nations (A. B. N.) and the political organizations of the forgets. In fact, we can say, the Promethean ideas become a common ideology of all the refugees, and common co‑operation, manifestations, and declarations of all victims of Russia are now the rule on all continents.
As an example we mention the common appeal of the enslaved nations to the UN regarding the Declaration of Human Rights, proclaimed by the Assembly, 1949.
"The Declaration proclaimed that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights and that everyone is entitled to a social and international order in which the rights and freedoms as set forth by the Declaration can be fully realized.
"The eleven nations protested that such rights and freedoms are ignored and violated in their countries by the government of the Soviet Union and arbitrary Communist administrations. Specifically they charged:
"a) arbitrary arrest and detention;
"b) exile and deportation;
"c) cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment;
"d) slave labor;
"e) deprivation or limitation of freedom of movement;
"f) deprivation of the freedom of thought and opinion;
"g) arbitrary interference with privacy, family, home and correspondence;
"h) deprivation of the freedom of assembly or imposition of the duty to belong to organizations (particularly for youth and children);
"i) arbitrary limitation of the domain of faith and conscience;
"j) arbitrary deprivation of nationality, and
"k) deprivation of the right of freely electing their government.
p337 "The signatories, namely, Ukraine, Byelorussia, Bulgaria, the Czechs, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia and Yugoslavia, offered to furnish either collectively or separately the necessary documentation in support of the charges."
This struggle won an unexpected ally; in the New York Times, the edition of July 29, 1951, conveyed the news:
"28 — Prisoner Marshal Tito replied yesterday to the WSW speech of Vyacheslav M. Molotov, Soviet Deputy Prisoner, by the denouncing the Soviet leaders as a mass of murderers who had built their despotic power on the corpses of many nations uprooted from their homelands and exterminated in the Siberian wastes.
"Marshal Tito's savage attack can be summarized in a single phrase — Soviet leaders are enemies of mankind, let all free men beware.
"In reply to Mr. Molotov, Marshal Tito said:
"The Soviet leaders are criminals. In their accusations that we are criminals I do not see anything else but a desire to conceal their own crimes. They are killing people in Albania, Rumania, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Bulgaria and Hungary, not to speak of Russia.
"What moral right does Molotov have to throw accusations into our faces and say that we are criminals. With what right does he speak, he who is one of the principal leaders of a country where the unheard‑of crime of genocide is being practiced in which entire nations are being destroyed in face of the whole world. Where is the German Volga Republic, where one of the most capable people used to live. It is in Siberian taiga. Where is the Tartar Republic of Crimea? It is in Siberia. It has disappeared in the taigas and swamps.'
" 'Where are the Chechens on the Caucasus,' Marshal Tito continued. 'They have ceased to exist. They were expelled from the mountains where they fought for centuries for their freedom. They have disappeared into Siberia. They were swallowed by the enormous Siberian taiga.
" 'Where are thousands and tens of thousands of citizens from Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia? They are no longer, they are being transported daily to Siberia to work there under the harshest conditions and to disappear from the face of the earth.
" 'This fate awaits every country and every peo which permits the Soviet to sit on their necks.'
"Finally Tito urged the Poles to revolt."
It is evident that the nationality problem, a child of democracy, can be solve only on the basis of freedom for all nationalities, cultures, languages, churches, and individuals.
The fight of the non‑Russian nationalities against Soviet Moscow continues — and the leaders of these peoples inside and outside the Soviet Union are keenly aware that they are defending the traditional humanistic and Christian values, the Western culture, against Communist Russia. It is a struggle for the freedom of thought through free languages, in free cultures and free nationalities against Russian ignorance, p338 obscurantism, brutal force, and the conception of a petrified, bureaucracy culture, so peculiar to the old and new Russian Arakcheyevs. All the European and Caucasian nationalities, kept by Russian occupation and terror inside the Soviet Union, are deeply conscious of their natural unity with Western civilization, while all Asiatic nationalities of the Soviet Union hate Russian slavery and aspire to identify themselves with the great values of the Western democratic world. All the non‑Russian nationalities of the Soviet Union hope that from the Atlantic Pact a new just and democratic supernational community of Western civilization will emerge which they will in the future join on a footing of freedom and equality.
Thus the nationality problem in the Soviet Union, with all its ideological ramifications, is a world problem, or more exactly: "the" world problem of current world politics, because the Russian volcano of hate bespatters the whole world with its set of false and fraudulent values. In this conflict of ideas — there is no neutrality possible. One is either a Russian slave or an enemy of Russian Communism.
Have free American scholars pondered this problem and defended the Western European common heritage — or were they neutral in the "nationality problem" of the Soviet Union? Were they then and are they now aware that upon this battlefield the fate not only of our but also of their academic freedom lies, to be won or lost? All attempts of the non‑Russian nationalities to enlist the moral support of the American public opinion for their struggle against Russian Communist slavery were only partly successful, because the whole nationality problem of the Soviet Union is concealed through skilful Russian propaganda in the U. S. A. behind an Iron Curtain. This sad condition of affairs in the land of Jefferson and Washington — a condition which rivals even the Hiss achievement of the Russian propaganda in the U. S. A. and deeply influenced the whole American foreign policy in Europe and Asia — is the subject of the next chapter.
1 Prof. Baudouin de Courtenay, then at the St. Petersburg University, gave to the dictionary of the Russian Language, edited by V. Dal, 1907, a remarkable definition of the meaning of the term "patriotism" in season, which did not lose its validity when applied to the present Russian Communist meaning of this word: "patriot . . . patriotism . . . the self-appointed bearers of the true Russian ideals, all these Krushevans and Karis Amalias Gringmuts, regard it as possible to appear in the role of manifestants of the true Russian endeavours, of true Russian patriots and to call up to traitor-beating . . . therefore the appellation 'patriot' must be thrown away as something dirty, soiled by the bloody hands of Krushevans and people bearing kinship to him. The patriotism of the secret police-hooligans and of the 'black-hundreds' is in direct proportion to the possibility to rob unpunished." Again the true Russian proletarian patriotism is also in direct postpone to rob unpunished the non‑Russian nationalities.
2 The New York Times, July 7, 1951.
3 "History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Short Course)" [in Russian], p115.
4 See F. Engels, "Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State" [Russian edition], 1947, pp118, 125.
5 J. V. Stalin, "Works" [in Russian], Vol. II, p333.
6 V. I. Lenin, "Works" [in Russian], Vol. I, pp137‑138.
7 J. V. Stalin, "Works" [in Russian], Vol. II, p303.
8 J. V. Stalin, "Works" [in Russian], Vol.II, p295.
9 J. V. Stalin, "Works" [in Russian], Vol.XI, p336.
10 Current Digest of the Soviet Press, Vol. II, No. 21, p4; "The Soviet Linguistic Controversy," Kings Crown Press, N. Y., 1951, p71.
11 V. I. Lenin, "Works" [in Russian], Vol.XX, p368. Underscoring mine. — I. Ts.
12 J. V. Stalin, "Works" [in Russian], Vol. XI, p338.
13 J. V. Stalin, "Works" [in Russian], Vol.XI, p341.
14 Critical Remarks on the National Question.
15 Conservatism Revisited (1949), pp157‑187.
16 Three Who Made a Revolution, p468.
17 Cf. also Eugene Lyons, Anti-Semitism in Utopia, Freeman I, p178.
18 The New York Times, April 22, 1951.
19 Cf. (Soviet propaganda) S. Almazov, Ten Years of Biro-Bidjan, New York, 1938.
20 The present plight of the Jews in the Soviet Union was recently described by S. H. Schwarz, The Jews in the Soviet Union, Syracuse Univ. Press, 1951.
21 The Russian philosopher, W. Soloviev, called the assimilation policy of the Tsarist regime, "spiritual cannibalism."
22 Cf. Ya. Busel (Kyivsky), Soviet Patriotism (1948), pp18‑19; the quotations are from an article of the Communist, B. Hott.
23 Vedomosti Verkhovnovo Soveta, Nr. 16, 1950.
24 Ukr. Bulletin, June 1, 1951.
25 Cf. P. Odarchenko, "Soviet Interpretation of a Ukrainian Classic," The Annals of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the U. S., Vol. I, Nr. 2, 1951.
26 The confusion during the construction of the tower of babel.
27 Russian Culture, pp47‑63.
28 Literaturnaya Gazeta for February, 1949.
29 V. I. Lenin, Works [in Russian], Vol. XX, pp55‑56.
30 J. V. Stalin, Works, Vol. II, p340.
31 J. Stalin, Marxism and the National Question, 1912.
32 A. Parry, "Spread of the Russian Language in the U. S. S. R.'s Satellite Countries of Europe and Asia," Bulletin of Aatseel, Vol. VIII, N. 3.
33 New York Times, September 18, 1949: "An official education circular, published textually by Wen Wei Pao, set down definitive rules only for the three new required subjects and courses in the departments of literature, languages and philosophy. Nevertheless, it stated, all departments would be expected to conform with the Marxian spirit of the circular and added:
" 'It is advisable to establish departments of Russian language wherever possible.'
"Russian language courses, the press disclosed here, already are being established off the campus under the auspices of the Communist-sponsored Sino-Soviet Friendship Association."
34 Into Bulgarian a mass of purely Russian terminology has been introduced and the orthography changed to conform with the Russian.
35 New Leader, March, 1951.
36 "Thanks to the Communism," The Queen's Work, p11.
s An egregious falsification: there was no "Russian people" in ancient Kyiv. Several centuries later, a nationality around Moscow developed from a merger of various peoples: Kievans yes, but also assorted northern tribes, as well as the Mongols to whom Moscow was subjected for 250 years. These people were universally known as Muscovites until rulers of Muscovy, starting in the 16th and 17th centuries, found it useful to adopt the name "Russia", formed on "Rus′". But it is a historical appropriation, much as if the United States — founded by people from England then widely expanded by people from Africa, Ireland, Germany, Italy, central Europe, and now Latin America and Asia — were to call themselves "England", then to lay claim to London as their ancient capital. . . .
The notion that Muscovy was the successor-state to Kyiv and inherited its historical mantle has been at the very center of Muscovite propaganda for four hundred years, and although our author is plenty discursive enough, this is something he should have flagged: if Moscow is Kyivan Rus′, then no Rus′ exists other than Moscow, and Kyiv and its territory must somehow belong to Muscovy, and we see the results today. None of it is true, but tens of thousands of Russians and Ukrainians have died for it by now.
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