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 p209  Chapter XXI
Liberalism of Tsar Alexander

(The numbers link directly to the sections.)

Moved by a professedly liberalistic spirit, Tsar Alexander did not seek to carry out Russian reprisals for the disastrous Lithuanian revolt (1807‑1812) to the extreme. Apparently, he seemed willing to overlook the zealous loyalty of the Lithuanians and the Poles to the French Emperor. Even at Vienna, the Tsar gave indications that he still considered the possibility of uniting the territories of Lithuania Major with those of the newly created Kingdom of Poland under Russian supremacy at some later date. The Constitution granted to the Poles in 1815 by the Tsar did not preclude the fulfillment of this possibility, even though that Constitution recognized the Tsar himself as the royal monarch, permitted the control of Polish foreign policy by St. Petersburg, bestowed rather wide powers on the Tsar's viceroy, and allowed the delegation of the Tsar's brother, Grand Duke Constantine, to the post of Commander-in‑Chief of the Polish army. True, this Constitution did not liberate the Congress Kingdom of Poland from Russian domination; nevertheless, it did not demand the extermination of the Polish nationality, but rather favored its development as long as the Poles remained under Russian jurisdiction.

1. The Policy of Separate Treatment

In pursuance of this so‑called liberal policy of reuniting Lithuanian and Polish territories into one autonomous political unit  p210 within the Russian Empire, and as a preparation for the drafting of a Russian Constitution, Tsar Alexander accorded Lithuania what may be described as "separate treatment." This action was not calculated to submerge the provinces of the former Grand Duchy of Lithuania⁠1 under Russian occupation with the already extensive Russian state of the Tsar, but it rather aimed to prepare Lithuania for the day when Alexander would decree the reunion of Poland and Lithuania. Such project was favorable to the Polish and the Lithuanian gentry, both of whom were anxious to restore, at least to some extent the partitioned Polish-Lithuanian Republic. Consequently, it was also responsible for the exercise of a tremendous Polish influence in Lithuania Major.

Thus, by the ukases of 1817 and 1819, Grand Duke Constantine received military as well as civil power over the Russian-occupied provinces of the Lithuanian Grand Duchy, two of which were thoroughly Lithuanian; namely, Vilnius and Gardinas, with the Bialystok district, while Minsk, Podolia and Volhynia were Ruthenian. As a result, an immediate Polonization of the special Lithuanian corps, conscripted from these areas, and of the native officials of these territories, was initiated by the adoption of Polish uniforms and customs.

2. The Policy of Separate Treatment

In the meanwhile, another process of Polonization, perhaps more influential and more productive of lasting results, had been quite active in the Lithuanian capital, Vilnius. At the very beginning of Tsar Alexander's reign, Adam Czartoryski, a Polonized Lithuanian noble, had been assigned as Curator at the University of Vilnius (1803). The educational system in all the territories of the former Grand Duchy of Lithuania and in the provinces of Kiev, Podolia and Volhynia was subject to him. Under his guidance, the University of Vilnius became the center and the stronghold of Polish culture. The faculty, with but rare exceptions, was composed of Poles or Polish-speaking Lithuanians. The Polish  p211 language replaced the French and the Latin. The institution trained teachers, published text books, prepared programs for the schools of the extensive Vilnius province.⁠2

In fine, the university in Lithuania's own capital was transformed into a power­ful means to complete the Polonization of the Lithuanian upper classes, both through the university itself and through the primary and secondary schools under its direct jurisdiction. Even the short-lived repressive measures employed by the Russian government after the Lithuanian revolt during Napoleon's invasion of Russia, had failed to suppress the continuous growth and infiltration of Polish influence. As a matter of fact, conditions for the development of this influence became more favorable after the Congress of Vienna, during those years, when Alexander extended his "favored nation" treatment to Lithuania. And the Lithuanian gentry, who, although Polonized to a large extent, had previously been so loyal to the defense of their country and had insisted upon maintaining a sharp, clearly defined distinction between the Lithuanian and Polish states during the two centuries of intimate association, seemed to be willing, in the early eighteenth century, to combat the Russian foe at the sacrifice of their Lithuanian nationality. It is precisely this Polonization of the majority of the Lithuanian landed gentry, representing only a fraction of the population, that has given the world of the early twentieth century the impression that there is little, if any, national difference between Poles and Lithuanians.

3. Lithuanian Literary Renaissance

Severe though the process of Polonization was, as carried on at the University of Vilnius, yet, it did not succeed in completely annihilating Lithuanian national sentiment even among the Lithuanian gentry. Thus, the publications on Lithuanian folklore, language and poetry issued in East Prussia, during the eighteenth century  p212 and the early years of the nineteenth century, by Philip and Paul Ruhig and by Rheza, had aroused the interests of the German poets and philosophers, Lessing, Herder and Goethe. This, in turn, precipitated in 1806, the publication of a treatise entitled, The Origins of the Lithuanian Nation and Its Language, by Xavier Bauza, a priest from Ukmerge, Lithuania, and an honorary member of the Vilnius University. Bauza condemned the Polish infiltration into Lithuania, and the Polonization of large numbers of the Lithuanian gentry; he indicated that although the overwhelming majority of the nation (the peasant-serfs) was thoroughly Lithuanian, speaking the Lithuanian language only, yet, in order to advance itself, was unjustly compelled to learn a foreign language, Polish.

Lelewel, a famous professor at the university at that time, pointed out some historical errors committed by Bauza; but in spite of this, the publication created a definite trend towards the study of Lithuanian history. This research at Vilnius, consequently, produced a number of works on the various historical facts of the Lithuanian past. This study was continued by a group of private individuals, even after the university was closed by the Russian government in 1832. Its fruits were later manifested in the publication (1835‑1841) of a nine volume History of the Lithuanian Nation by Theodore Norbutas, a Lithuanian boyar of Lyda. Its influence was also expressed in the writings of the authors of Polish romantic literature, Mickiewicz,⁠3 Kraszewski, Conrad, who had studied at the Vilnius University and derived many of their scenes and themes from Lithuanian history. Likewise, this movement was responsible for the appearance of the first works of Lithuanian scholar­ship in the Lithuanian language. Among them were the writings of Daukantas; namely, Achievements of Highlander and Lowlander Lithuanians (1845), a two volume History of Lithuania; and Valancius' Episcopal See of Samogitia (1848).

Lithuanian historical research at the University of Vilniu also gave an added impetus to purely Lithuanian literary interests among the gentry in Lithuania Major. Especially in the western or  p213 Lowlander sections of Lithuania did a number of poems, songs and writings as well as hymnals, prayer books and grammars appear, each in turn seeking to extol the Lithuanian language and the Lithuanian past. Sylvester Valiunas (1790‑1831) composed the still popular song Birute. Dionysus Poska (1757‑1832), who was engaged in produ­cing a Lithuanian dictionary and maintaining miniature museums at Bijotai, issued among his many other writings, Muzikas Zemaiciu ir Lietuvos (The Peasant of Samogitia and Lithuania), Giesme Muzikelio (The Song of the Peasant). Simon Stanevicius (d. 1831), who sought to stimulate Lithuanian patriotism in his ode, Zemaiciu Slove (The Glory of Samogitia), wrote several fables which had been used until recent times in Lithuanian schools. In 1816, Bishop Giedraitis published his translation of the Scriptures in Lithuanian. Among other active participants in this movement were Klementas (d. 1823), Vilentas and Strazdas (d. 1833).

Throughout this entire literary renaissance no proposals for social or national changes were made by these writers. Poska, for example, urged the peasants to bear the yoke of their serfdom patiently. And in general, it was the historical Grand Duchy of Lithuania with which these authors were enamoured.

4. Russification

Both the Lithuanian literary renaissance and the development of Polish political and cultural influence in Lithuania Major were abruptly halted by a change in the liberal attitude of Alexander I and the reactionary aims of his successor, Nicholas I.

In 1818, Novosiltsov, the Tsar's agent at Warsaw, was commissioned by Alexander I to draw up a constitution for the Russian Empire and to prepare an outline of the Acts of Union, which in 1413 and 1501 had allied Lithuania with Poland. This seemed to indicate that Alexander was about to fulfill the promises he had previously made. However, the following year, in presenting his plans to the Tsar, Novosiltsov had included a recommendation for the complete incorporation of the Polish Kingdom with Russia,  p214 thereby abolishing all schemes of reuniting Lithuanian and Polish territories into one autonomous unit. The recommendation certainly influenced Alexander quite strongly. It was reenforced by Alexander's intimate association with Karamzin, who at the time was preparing his History of the Russian State, and who falsely claimed that Lithuania, Volhynia and Podolia were original Russian territories. Other events also aided in transforming Alexander's vacillating policy of liberalism. The murder of the German dramatist, Kotzebue, in 1819, who was in the Tsar's service and opposed to any establishment of free institutions, the revolt of the peasants at Chuguieff⁠a that same year, the revolutionary tendencies manifested in Portugal, Spain, Naples, the disturbance caused at St. Petersburg by the Guards — all produced lasting effects upon Alexander.

The change taking place within him became evident at the second Diet of the Polish Kingdom in 1820, when he threatened to return to strict autocratic government, and made strenuous efforts to deal severely with the numerous secret societies which flourished in Poland and Lithuania as in all Europe.

Secret organizations of various types had become widespread on the Continent, particularly after the Napoleonic wars. A spirit of unrest and distrust towards rulers prevailed not only within the realms of the Russian Empire but in practically every country. The Freemasons in Poland and Lithuania (Masonic Lodges existed at Vilnius, Raseiniai and other centers) enjoyed great prestige and, for a while, even the approval of Alexander, because they demonstrated a great loyalty to the Tsar. However, in 1821, when it was very doubtful that the Tsar would agree to the formation of an autonomous Polish-Lithuanian Republic, the so‑called "Patriotic Society" was created. Its member­ship embraced all sections of Lithuania and Poland. Its main goal was to gain the restoration of an independent Polish-Lithuanian Republic as it had existed before the partitions, even without the consent of the Tsar. But scarcely one year later, 1822, its leaders were arrested by the Russian government for subversive activities and sentenced to prison.

Repeated manifestations of loyalty on the part of the Lithuanian and Polish youth to the Constitution of May 3rd, combined with  p215 the influence exercised by the Slavophil organizations at St. Petersburg (they opposed the granting of any concessions to the Poles and insisted upon the continued annexation of Lithuania), precipitated the investigation conducted at the Vilnius University by Novosiltsov. Czartoryski was compelled to resign. Novosiltsov succeeded to the post of Curator. Numbers were exiled, among them Joachim Lelewel and Adam Mickiewicz; the latter was then living at Kaunas, but still collaborated with activities of the youth. Some of the secret societies in Lithuania were suppressed, as the "Black Brothers" of Kraziai. The use of the Polish language was banished from the university's chancery. Russian was substituted. The free election of rectors was abolished. The lectures of the remaining professors were subjected to the most scrupulous censor­ship. The student body was carefully observed in order to detect any possible revolutionary movements and tendencies. Thus, the separate treatment of Lithuania and the provinces of the historical Grand Duchy of Lithuania was ended. The attempted Russification and assimilation of Lithuania by the Russian Empire was inaugurated. The repressive measures employed at the Polish Diet of 1825 clearly demonstrated that the Russian Tsar had abandoned his former intentions of bringing about the reunion of Lithuania and Poland.

5. The Insurrection of 1831

Events of the first few years of the reign of Nicholas I (1825‑1854) hastened and prepared the way for the revolt of 1831. To the great disillusionment of the Lithuanian gentry and the Polish nobles, the Tsar continued with the Russification of Lithuania Major and the Ruthenian provinces of the former Grand Duchy. By his orders, in 1827, the separate Lithuanian corps ceased to be purely Lithuanian; recruits were to be conscripted only from the provinces of Gardinas, Minsk and Volhynia. Lithuanian men were sent to serve in Russia and Russian soldiers from Tver and Pskov were assigned to Lithuania. Again, Nicholas' insistent efforts to inflict death penalties upon individuals in Poland suspected of complicity with the Decembrists, who under Ryleieff and Trubetskoi  p216 had engineered an un­success­ful insurrection at St. Petersburg, merely served to intensify the ever increasing hatred of the Poles and Lithuanians towards the Russian ruler. Consequently, when Nicholas decreed to send both Polish forces and the Lithuanian corps with the Russian army to quell the revolution in France (during which the Belgians were seeking to establish their independence), an insurrection of violent proportions broke out in Warsaw, Poland (November 29, 1830), and spread rapidly throughout Lithuania.

Due to the fact that Lithuania had been reduced to the status of an incorporated province of Russia, unlike the Kingdom of Poland, its opportunities for revolt were not very favorable. Lack of equipment and leaders, many of whom had been exiled or banished or had taken refuge in Poland in the course of preceding years, presented a very definite handicap. Furthermore, the separate Lithuanian corps, although consisting mainly of Lithuanians, was under strict Russian regimentation. As a result, the Lithuanian Revolutionary Committee, formed at Vilnius, found itself prevented from taking effective action and unable to communicate with its allies in Poland.

However, it was the Lithuanian peasant-serfs who were the first to revolt in Lithuania. They opposed the Russian attempt to draft new recruits for the armed forces. Their rebellion became especially widespread in the district of Telsiai. But having no central authority and realizing that the landed gentry entertained no intentions of abolishing serfdom, both the hopes and the spirit that had stimulated the almost hopeless efforts of their regional uprisings were soon crushed by the Tsar's garrisons.

Individual members of the gentry had also taken part in the rebellion sponsored by the peasants in various centers of Lithuania. Others, like Michael Radvila, who had even assumed the post of Commander-in‑Chief in January, 1831, succeeding Chlopicki, were active with the insurrectionists in Poland. The special Lithuanian corps under the Tsar's general, Rosen, never once found itself in a position to join the revolutionaries. Nevertheless, the first serious revolt of the Lithuanian boyars in Lithuania Major took place in Raseiniai, when the entire area was seized on March 25, 1831.  p217 Immediately, the demands of the Lithuanian nobles reechoed the wishes of their associates in Poland; namely, reunion of Lithuania and Poland, at least, as an autonomous political unit. Their further effort to capture Vilnius, Kaunas and Palanga (where they expected the arrival of munitions from England), were in vain. Their forces were routed. Remnants sought refuge in forests and awaited assistance from Poland.

In the latter part of May, 1831, General Gelgaudas (Gelgaud) was dispatched with a number of troops from Poland to Lithuania, shortly before the Polish defeat at Ostrolenka. His attempt to take Vilnius and Siauliai were unsuccess­ful. Finally, it was decreed that Gelgaudas was to march on Kaunas, Dembinski on Courland, and Rohland on Palanga. But in mid-July Gelgaudas and Rohland were driven across the Prussian frontier by the Russians and were disarmed. Dembinski, having reached Panevezys, turned back and managed to reach Warsaw with his troops.

With the departure of Dembinski the insurrection came to an end in Lithuania. Russian forces quickly suppressed the remaining disorganized insurgents and reestablished themselves throughout Lithuania. During September and October, they completely crushed Polish resistance at Warsaw.

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The Author's Notes:

1 That is, Vilnius, Gardinas, Minsk, Volhynia, Podolia, the district of Bialystok, excluding, however, the more eastern provinces of Mogilev, Kiev and Vitebsk.

2 The Commission of Education had not been abolished after the partitions. Its wealth having been annexed by the Russian government, it continued its work in conjunction with the Russian Ministry of Education at St. Petersburg. However, the number of schools did decrease, because the government rendered financial support to the University of Vilnius alone.

3 Adam Mickiewicz (Mickevicius) (1799‑1855) was an avowed Lithuanian who wrote in Polish.

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Thayer's Note:

a Chuhuiv, in northeastern Ukraine.

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