Short URL for this page:

[image ALT: Much of my site will be useless to you if you've got the images turned off!]
Bill Thayer

[image ALT: Cliccare qui per una pagina di aiuto in Italiano.]

[Link to a series of help pages]
[Link to the next level up]
[Link to my homepage]

[image ALT: link to previous section]

This webpage reproduces a portion of
The Library of History

Diodorus Siculus

published in Vol. VIII
of the Loeb Classical Library edition, 1963

The text is in the public domain.

This page has been carefully proofread
and I believe it to be free of errors.
If you find a mistake though,
please let me know!


[image ALT: link to next section]

(Vol. VIII) Diodorus Siculus
Library of History

(Book XVII, continued)

 p299  64 1 After his defeat in the battle near Arbela, Dareius directed his course to the upper satrapies, seeking by putting distance between himself and Alexander to gain a respite and time enough to organize an army. He made his way first to Ecbatana in Media and paused there, picking up the stragglers  p301 from the battle and rearming those who had lost their weapons.​1 2 He sent around to the neighbouring tribes demanding soldiers, and he posted couriers to the satraps and generals in Bactria and the upper satrapies, calling upon them to preserve their loyalty to him.

3 After the battle, Alexander buried his dead and entered Arbela,​2 finding there abundant stores of food, no little barbaric dress and treasure, and three thousand talents of silver.​3 Judging that the air of the region would be polluted by the multitude of unburied corpses,​4 he continued his advance immediately and arrived with his whole army at Babylon. 4 Here the people received him gladly, and furnishing them billets feasted the Macedonians lavishly.​5 Alexander refreshed his army from its private labours and remained more than thirty days in the city because food was plentiful and the population friendly.

5 At this time he designated Agathon of Pydna​6 to guard the citadel, assigning to him seven hundred Macedonian soldiers. He appointed Apollodorus of Amphipolis and Menes of Pella as military governors of Babylon and the other satrapies as far as Cilicia, giving them one thousand talents of silver with instructions to enlist as many soldiers as possible.​7 6 He assigned  p303 Armenia as a province to Mithrines, who had surrendered to him the citadel of Sardes.​8 From the money which was captured he distributed to each of the cavalry­men six minas, to each of the allied cavalry­men five, and to the Macedonians of the phalanx two, and he gave to all the mercenaries two months' pay.9

65 1 After the king had marched out of Babylon and while he was still on the road, there came to him, sent by Antipater, five hundred Macedonian cavalry and six thousand infantry, six hundred Thracian cavalry and three thousand five hundred Trallians, and from the Peloponnese four thousand infantry and little less than a thousand cavalry.​10 From Macedonia also came fifty​11 sons of the king's Friends sent by their fathers to serve as bodyguards. 2 The king welcomed all of these, continued his march, and on the sixth day crossed over into the province of Sittacenê.12

This was a rich country abounding in provisions of all sorts, and he lingered here for a number of days, at once anxious to rest his army from the fatigue of their long marches and concerned to review the organization of his army. He wanted to advance some  p305 officers and to strengthen the forces by the number and the ability of the commanders. 3 This he effected. He scrutinized closely the reports of good conduct and promoted many from a high military command to an even higher responsibility, so that by giving all the commanders greater prestige he bound them to himself by strong ties of affection. 4 He also examined the situation of the individual soldiers and introduced many improvements by considering what was useful. He brought the whole force up to an outstanding devotion to its commander and obedience to his commands, and to a high degree of effectiveness, looking toward the battles to come.13

5 From there he entered Susianê without opposition and took over the fabulous palace of the kings. The satrap Abuleutes​14 surrendered the city to him voluntarily, and some have written that he did this in compliance with orders given by Dareius to his trusted officials. The king Persia hoped by this policy, it is suggested, that Alexander would be kept busy with dazzling distractions and the acquisition of brilliant cities and huge treasures, while he, Dareius, won time by his flight to prepared for a renewed warfare.15

66 1 Alexander entered the city and found the treasure in the palace to include more than forty thousand talents of gold and silver bullion, 2 which the  p307 kings had accumulated unused over a long period of time as a protection against the vicissitudes of Fortune. In addition there were nine thousand talents of minted gold in the form of darics.16

3 A curious thing happened to the king when he was shown the precious objects. He seated himself upon the royal throne, which was larger than the proportions of his body.​17 When one of the pages saw that his feet were a long way from reaching the footstool which belonged to the throne, he picked up Dareius's table and placed it under the dangling legs. 4 This fitted, and the king was pleased by the aptness of the boy, but a eunuch standing by was troubled in his heart at this reminder of the changes of Fortune and wept. 5 Alexander noticed him and asked, "What wrong have you seen that you are crying?" The eunuch replied, "Now I am your slave as formerly I was the slave of Dareius. I am by nature devoted to my masters and I was grieved at seeing what was most held in honour by your predecessor now become an ignoble piece of furniture."

6 This answer reminded the king how great a change  p309 had come over the Persian kingdom. He saw that he had committed an act of arrogance quite the reverse of his gentleness to the captives, 7 and calling the page who had placed the table ordered him to remove it. Then Philotas, who was present, said, "But this was not insolence, for the action was not commanded by you; it occurred through the providence and design of a good spirit." So the king took this remark for an omen, and ordered the table to be left standing at the foot of the throne.

67 1 After this Alexander left Dareius's mother, his daughters, and his son in Susa,​18 providing them with persons to teach them the Greek language, and marching on with his army on the fourth day reached the Tigris River.​19 2 This flows down from the mountains of the Uxii and passes at first for a thousand furlongs through rough country broken by great gorges, but then traverses a level plain and becomes ever quieter, and after six hundred furlongs empties into the Persian sea. 3 This he crossed, and entered the country of the Uxii, which was rich, watered by numerous streams, and productive of many fruits of all kinds. At the season when the ripe fruit is dried, the merchants who sail on the Tigris are able to bring down to Babylonia all sorts of confections good for the pleasures of the table.20

4 Alexander found the passages guarded by Madetes, a cousin of Dareius, with a substantial force, and he saw at once the difficulty of the place. The sheer  p311 cliffs offered no passage, but an Uxian native who knew the country offered to lead soldiers by a narrow and hazardous path to a position above the enemy. 5 Alexander accepted the proposal and sent off with him a body of troops, while he himself expedited the move as far as possible and attacked the defenders in waves. The assault was pressed vigorously and the Persians were preoccupied with the struggle when to their astonishment above their heads appeared the flying column of the Macedonians. The Persians were frightened and took to their heels. Thus Alexander won the pass and soon after took all the cities in Uxianê.21

68 1 Thereafter Alexander marched on in the direction of Persis and on the fifth day​22 came to the so‑called Susian Rocks.​23 Here the passage was held by Ariobarzanes with a force of twenty-five thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry.​24 2 The king first thought to force his way through and advanced to the pass through narrow defiles in rough country, but without opposition. The Persians allowed him to proceed along the pass for some distance, but when he was about half-way through the hard part, they suddenly attacked him and rolled down from above huge boulders, which falling suddenly upon the massed ranks of the Macedonians killed many of them. Many of the enemy threw javelins down from the cliffs into the crowd, and did not miss their mark.  p313 Still others coming to close quarters flung stones at the Macedonians who pressed on. The Persians had a tremendous advantage because of the difficulty of the country, killed many and injured not a few.

3 Alexander was quite helpless to avert the sufferings of his men and seeing that no one of the enemy was killed or even wounded, while of his own force many were slain and practically all the attacking force were disabled, he recalled the soldiers from the battle with a trumpet signal. 4 Withdrawing from the pass for a distance of three hundred furlongs,​25 he pitched camp and from the natives sought to learn whether there was any other route through the hills. All insisted that there was no other way through, although it was possible to go around them at the cost of several days' travel. It seemed to Alexander, however, discreditable to abandon his dead and unseemly to ask for them, since this carried with it the acknowledgement of defeat, so he ordered all his captives to be brought up. 5 Among these came hopefully a man who was bilingual,​26 and knew the Persian language.

He said that he was a Lycian, had been brought there as a captive, and had pastured goats in these mountains for a number of years. He had come to know the country well and could lead a force of men over a path concealed by bushes​27 and bring them to  p315 the rear of the Persians guarding the pass. 6 The king promised that he would load him with gifts,​28 and under his direction Alexander did make his way over the mountain at night struggling through deep snow.​29 The route crossed a very broken country, seamed by deep ravines and many gorges. 7 Coming into sight of the enemy outposts, he cut down their first line and captured those who were stationed in the second position, then routed the third line and won the pass, and killed most of the troops of Ariobarzanes.30

69 1 Now he set out on the road to Persepolis, and while he was on the road received a letter from the governor of the city, whose name was Tiridates.​31 It is stated that if he arrived ahead of those who planned to defend the city for Dareius, he would become master of it, for Tiridates would betray it to him. 2 Accordingly Alexander led his army on by forced marches; he bridged the Araxes River and so brought his men to the other bank.32

At this point in his advance the king was confronted by a strange and dreadful sight, one to provoke indignation against the perpetrators and sympathetic pity for the unfortunate victims.​33 3 He was met by Greeks bearing branches of supplication. They had been carried away from their homes by previous kings of Persia and were about eight hundred in  p317 number, most of them elderly. All had been mutilated, some lacking hands, some feet, and some ears and noses. 4 They were persons who had acquired skills or crafts and made good progress in their instruction; then their other extremities had been amputated and they were left only those which were vital to their profession. All the soldiers, seeing their venerable years and the losses which their bodies had suffered, pitied the lot of the wretches. Alexander most of all was affected by them and unable to restrain his tears.

5 They all cried with one voice and besought Alexander to help them in their misfortunes. The king called their leaders to come forward and, greeting them with a respect in keeping with his own greatness of spirit, promised to make it a matter of utmost concern that they should be restored to their homes. 6 They gathered to debate the matter, and decided that it would be better for them to remain where they were rather than to return home. If they were brought back safely, they would be scattered in small groups, and would find their abuse at the hands of Fortune an object of reproach as they lived on in their cities. If, however, they continued living together, as companions in misfortune, they would find a solace for their mutilation in the similar mutilation of the others. 7 So they again appeared before the king, told them of their decision, and asked him to give them help appropriate to this proposal. 8 Alexander applauded their decision and gave each of them three  p319 thousand drachmae, five men's robes and the same number for women,​34 two yoke of oxen, fifty sheep, and fifty bushels of wheat. He made them also exempt from all royal taxes and charged his administrative officials to see that they were harmed in no way.

9 Thus Alexander mitigated the lot of these unfortunate persons by such benefactions in keeping with his natural kindness.

70 1 Persepolis was the capital of the Persian kingdom. Alexander described it to the Macedonians as the most hateful of the cities of Asia,​35 and gave it over to his soldiers to plunder, all but the palaces. 2 It was the richest city under the sun and the private houses had been furnished with every sort of wealth over the years. The Macedonians raced into it slaughtering all the men whom they met and plundering the residences; many of the houses belonged to the common people and were abundantly supplied with furniture and wearing apparel of every kind. 3 Here much silver was carried off and no little gold, and many rich dresses gay with sea purple or with gold embroidery became the prize of the victors. The enormous palaces, famed throughout the whole civilized world, fell victim to insult and utter destruction.

4 The Macedonians gave themselves up to this orgy of plunder for a whole day and still could not satisfy their boundless greed for more. 5 Such was their exceeding lust for loot withal that they fought with each other and killed many of their fellows who had appropriated a greater portion of it. The richest of the  p321 finds some cut through with their swords so that each might have his own part. Some cut off the hands of those who were grasping at disputed property, being driven mad by their passions. 6 They dragged off women, clothes and all, converting their captivity into slavery.36

As Persepolis had exceeded all other cities in prosperity, so in the same measure it now exceeded all others in misery.37

71 1 Alexander ascended to the citadel terrace and took possession of the treasure there. This had been accumulated from the state revenues, beginning with Cyrus, the first king of the Persians, down to that time, and the vaults were packed full of silver and gold. 2 The total was found to be one hundred and twenty thousand talents, when the gold was estimated in terms of silver.​38 Alexander wanted to take some money with him to meet the costs of the war, and to deposit the rest in Susa and keep it under guard in that city. Accordingly he sent for a vast number of mules from Babylon and Mesopotamia, as well as from Susa itself, both pack and harness animals as well as three thousand pack camels. By these  p323 means Alexander transported everything to the desired places. 3 He felt bitter enmity to the inhabitants.​39 He did not trust them, and he meant to destroy Persepolis utterly.

I think that it is not inappropriate to speak briefly about the palace area of the city because of the richness of its buildings.​40 4 The citadel is a noteworthy one, and is surrounded by a triple wall. The first part of this is built over an elaborate foundation. It is sixteen cubits in height and is topped by battlements. 5 The second wall is in all other respects like the first but of twice the height. The third circuit is rectangular in plan, and is sixty cubits in height,​41 built of a stone hard and naturally durable. 6 Each of the sides contains a gate with bronze doors, beside each of which stand bronze poles twenty cubits high;​42 these were intended to catch the eye of the beholder, but the gates were for security.

7 At the eastern side of the terrace at a distance of four plethra​43 is the so‑called royal hill in which were the graves of the kings. This was a smooth rock hollowed out into many chambers in which were the sepulchres of the dead kings. These have no other  p325 access but receive the sarcophagi of the dead which are lifted by certain mechanical hoists. 8 Scattered about the royal terrace were residences of the kings and members of the royal family as well as quarters for the great nobles,​44 all luxuriously furnished, and buildings suitably made for guarding the royal treasure.

72 1 Alexander held games in honour of his victories. He performed costly sacrifices to the gods and entertained his friends bountifully. While they were feasting and the drinking was far advanced, as they began to be drunken a madness took possession of the minds of the intoxicated guests.​45 2 At this point one of the women present, Thaïs by name and Attic by origin, said that for Alexander it would be the finest of all his feats in Asia if he joined them in a triumphal procession, set fire to the palaces, and permitted women's hands in a minute to extinguish the famed accomplishments of the Persians. 3 This was said to men who were still young and giddy with wine, and so, as would be expected, someone shouted out to form the comus and to light torches, and urged all to take vengeance for the destruction of the Greek temples.​46 4 Others took up the cry and said that this was a deed worthy of Alexander alone. When the king had caught fire at their words, all leaped up from their couches and passed the word along to form a victory procession in honour of Dionysus.

5 Promptly many torches were gathered. Female  p327 musicians were present at the banquet, so the king led them all out for the comus to the sound of voices and flutes and pipes, Thaïs the courtesan leading the whole performance. 6 She was the first, after the king, to hurl her blazing torch into the palace. As the others all did the same, immediately the entire palace area was consumed, so great was the conflagration. It was most remarkable that the impious act of Xerxes, king of the Persians, against the acropolis of at Athens should have been repaid in kind after many years by one woman, a citizen of the land which had suffered it, and in sport.

73 1 When all this was over, Alexander visited the cities of Persis, capturing some by storm and winning over others by his own fair dealing.​47 Then he set out after Dareius. 2 The Persian king had planned to bring together the armed forces of Bactria and the other satrapies, but Alexander was too quick for him. Dareius directed his flight toward the city of Bactra with thirty thousand Persians​48 and Greek mercenaries, but in the course of this retirement he was seized and murdered by Bessus, the satrap of Bactria. 3 Just after his death, Alexander rode up in hot pursuit with his cavalry, and, finding him dead, gave him a royal funeral. 4 Some, however, have written that Alexander found him still breathing and commiserated with him on his disasters. Dareius urged him to avenge his death, and Alexander, agreeing, set out after Bessus, but the satrap had a long start and  p329 got away into Bactria, so Alexander suspended the chase and returned.49

That was the situation in Asia.

5 In Europe the Lacedaemonians were forced by their defeat in a decisive battle to make overtures to Antipater.​50 He referred his reply to the council of the Hellenic League.​51 When the delegates came together in Corinth, there was a long discussion on both sides, and they decided to pass the issue on without a decision to Alexander. 6 Antipater took as hostages fifty of the most notable of the Spartiates, and the Lacedaemonians sent envoys​52 to Asia asking forgiveness for their mistakes.

74 1 After this year was over, Cephisophoron became archon at Athens, and Gaius Valerius and Marcus Clodius consuls in Rome.​53 In this year, now that Dareius was dead, Bessus with Nabarnes and Barxaës​54 and many others of the Iranian nobles got to Bactria, eluding the hands of Alexander. Bessus had been appointed satrap of this region by Dareius and being known to everyone because of his administration, now called upon the population to defend their freedom.  p331 2 He pointed out that the nature of their country would assist them very much, since the region was hard for an enemy to penetrate and furnished enough men for them to establish their independence. He proclaimed that he would take personal command of the war and designated himself king, with the approval of the people. Then he set to work enrolling soldiers, manufacturing an adequate stock of weapons, and busily making everything ready for the approaching time of need.55

3 Alexander, for his part, was aware that the Macedonians regarded Dareius's death as the end of the campaign and were impatient to go home. He called them all to a meeting and, addressing them with effective arguments, made them willing to follow him in the part of the war which remained,​56 but he assembled the allied troops from the Greek cities​57 and praising them for their services released them from their military duty. He gave to each of the cavalry a talent and to each of the infantry ten minas.​58 Besides this he paid them their wages up to date and added more to cover the period of their march back until they should return to their homes. 4 To those who would remain with him in the royal army, he gave a bonus of three talents each. He treated the soldiers with such lavishness in part because of his  p333 native generosity and in part because he had come into possession of very much money in the course of his pursuit of Dareius. 5 He had received from the royal treasures the sum of eight thousand talents. Apart from this, what was distributed to the soldiers, including clothing and goblets, came to thirteen thousand talents,​59 while what was stolen or taken as plunder was thought to be even more still.

75 1 Alexander started out for Hyrcania and on the third day encamped near a city called Hecatonpylus,​60 This was a wealthy city with a profusion of everything contributing to pleasure, so he rested his army there for some days. 2 Then, advancing one hundred and fifty furlongs, he encamped near a huge rock;​61 under its base there was a marvellous cave from which flowed a great river known as the Stiboeites.​62 This tumbles out with a rapid current for a distance of three furlongs, and then divides into two courses on either side of a breast-shaped "rock," beneath which there is a vast cavern. Into this the river plunges with a great river, foaming from its clash against the rock. After flowing under­ground a distance of three hundred furlongs, it again breaks its way to the surface.63

3 Alexander entered Hyrcania with his army and took possession of all the cities there as far as the so‑called Caspian Sea, which some name the Hyrcanian. In this they say are spawned many large serpents and  p335 fish of all sorts quite different in colour from ours.​64 4 He passed through Hyrcania and came to the Fortunate Villages, as they are called, and truly such they are, for their land produces crops far more generously than elsewhere. 5 They say that each vine produces a metretes of wine, while there are some fig trees which produce ten medimni of dried figs.​65 The grain which is over­looked at the harvest and falls to the ground germinates without being sown and brings to maturity an abundant harvest. 6 There is a tree known to the natives like an oak in appearance, from the leaves of which honey drips; this some collect and take their pleasure from it abundantly.​66 7 There is a winged animal in this country which they call anthredon, smaller than the bee but very useful. It roams the mountains gathering nectar from every kind of flower. Dwelling in hollow rocks and lightning-blasted trees it forms combs of wax and fashions a liquor of surpassing sweetness, not far inferior to our honey.67

76 1 Thus Alexander acquired Hyrcania and the tribes which were its neighbours, and many of the Iranian commanders who had fled with Dareius came to him and gave themselves up.​68 He received them  p337 kindly and gained wide repute for fair dealing; 2 for instance, the Greeks who had served with Dareius, one thousand five hundred in number, and accomplished soldiers, also promptly turned themselves over to Alexander, and receiving a full pardon for their previous hostility were assigned to units of his army on the same pay scale as the rest.69

3 Alexander followed the coastline to the west and entered the country of the people known as Mardians.​70 They prided themselves on their fighting ability and thinking little of Alexander's growth in power sent him no petition or mark of honour, 4 but held the passes with eight thousand soldiers and confidently awaited the Macedonian approach. The king attacked them and joining battle killed most of them and drove the rest into the fastnesses of the mountains.

5 As he was wasting the countryside with fire and the pages who led the royal horses were at a little distance from the king, some of the natives made a sudden rush and carried off the best one of them.​71 6 This animal had come to Alexander as a gift from Demaratus of Corinth​72 and had carried the king in all of his battles in Asia. So long as he was not caparisoned, he would permit only the groom to mount him, but when he had received the royal trappings, he would no longer allow even him, but for Alexander  p339 alone stood quietly and even lowered his body to assist in the mounting. 7 Because of the superior qualities of this animal the king was infuriated at his loss and ordered that every tree in the land be felled, while he proclaimed to the natives through interpreters that if the horse were not returned, they should see the country laid waste to its furthest limit and its inhabitants slaughtered to a man. 8 As he began immediately to carry out these threats, the natives were terrified and returned the horse and sent with it their costliest gifts. They sent also fifty men to beg forgiveness. Alexander took the most important of these as hostages.73

77 1 When Alexander returned to Hyrcania,​74 there came to him the queen of the Amazons name Thallestris, who ruled all the country between the rivers Phasis and Thermodon. She was remarkable for beauty and for bodily strength, and was admired by her countrywomen for bravery. She had left the bulk of her army on the frontier of Hyrcania​75 and had  p341 arrived with an escort of three hundred Amazons in full armour. 2 The king marvelled at the unexpected arrival and the dignity of the women. When he asked Thallestris why she had come, she replied that it was for the purpose of getting a child. 3 He had shown himself the greatest of all men in his achievements, and she was superior to all women in strength and courage, so that presumably the offspring of such outstanding parents would surpass all other mortals in excellence. At this the king was delighted and granted her request and consorted with her for thirteen days, afterwards he honoured her with fine gifts and sent her home.76

4 It seemed to Alexander that he had accomplished his objective and now held his kingdom without contest, and he began to imitate the Persian luxury and the extravagant display of the kings of Asia.​77 First he installed ushers of Asiatic race in his court, and then he ordered the most distinguished persons to act as his guards; among these was Dareius' brother Oxathres.​78 5 Then he put on the Persian diadem​79 and dressed himself in the white robe and the Persian sash and everything else except the trousers and the  p343 long-sleeved upper garment.​80 He distributed to his companions cloaks with purple borders and dressed the horses in Persian harness. 6 In addition to all this, he added concubines to his retinue in the manner of Dareius, in number not less than the days of the year and outstanding in beauty as selected from all the women of Asia. 7 Each night these paraded around the couch of the king so that he might select the one with whom he would lie that night.​81 Alexander, as a matter of fact, employed these customs rather sparingly and kept for the most part to his accustomed routine, not wishing to offend the Macedonians.

78 1 Many, it is true, did reproach him for these things, but he silenced them with gifts. At this juncture he learned that the satrap of Areia, Satibarzanes, had put to death the soldiers who were left with him,​82 had made common cause with Bessus and with him had decided to attack the Macedonians, so Alexander set out against the man. This Satibarzanes had brought his forces into Chortacana,83  p345 a notable city of that region and one of great natural strength, 2 but as the king approached, he became alarmed at the size of the latter's forces and at the fighting reputation of the Macedonians. He himself with two thousand horsemen​84 rode off to the protection of Bessus, asking him to send help with all speed, but told his other followers to take refuge in a mountain called . . .,​85 which afforded difficult terrain and a secure refuge for those who did not dare to meet their eyes face to face. 3 After they had done so, and had secured themselves upon a steep and high "rock,"​86 the king with his accustomed spirit invested the place, attacked them vigorously, and compelled them to surrender. 4 In the course of thirty days thereafter, he brought into submission all the cities of the satrapy.​87 Then he left Hyrcania and marched to the capital of Dranginê,​88 where he paused and rested his army.89

79 1 At this same time, Alexander stumbled into a base action which was quite foreign to his goodness  p347 of nature.​90 One of the king's Friends named Dimnus​91 found fault with him for some reason, and in a rash fit of anger formed a plot against him. 2 He had a beloved named Nicomachus and persuaded him to take part in it. Being very young, the boy disclosed the plan to his brother Cebalinus,​92 who, however, was terrified lest one of the conspirators should get ahead of the rest in revealing the plot to the king, and decided himself to be the informer.

3 He went to the court, met Philotas and talked with him, and urged him to tell the whole story to the king as quickly as he could. It may be that Philotas was actually a party to the plot;​93 he may merely have been slow to act. At all events, he heard Cebalinus with indifference, and although he visited Alexander and took part in a long conversation on a variety of subjects, said no word about what had just been told him. 4 When he returned to Cebalinus, he said that he had not found a suitable occasion to mention it, but would surely see the king alone the next day and tell him everything. Philotas did the same thing on the next day also, and Cebalinus, to insure himself against someone else betraying the plot and put him in danger, dropped Philotas and accosted one of the royal pages, telling him all that had happened and begging him to report it to the king immediately.

 p349  5 The page brought Cebalinus into the armoury and hid him there,​94 went on in to the king as he was bathing and told him the story, adding that he had Cebalinus concealed in the vicinity. The king's reaction was sharp. He arrested Dimnus at once and learned everything from him; then he sent for Cebalinus and Philotas. 6 The whole story was investigated and the fact established. Dimnus stabbed himself on the spot,​95 but Philotas, while acknowledging his carelessness, nevertheless denied that he had any part in the plot and agreed to leave judgement concerning him to the Macedonians.

80 1 After many arguments had been heard, the Macedonians condemned Philotas and the other accused persons to death. Among these was Parmenion, he who seemed to be the first of Alexander's Friends; he was not with the army, but it was thought that he had contrived the conspiracy by means of his son Philotas. 2 Philotas, then, was first tortured and confessed to the plot, and then was killed in the Macedonian manner with the other condemned persons.96

This was the occasion for bringing up the case of Alexander the Lyncestian. He was charged with the crime of plotting against the king and had been kept for three years under guard. He had been delayed a hearing because of his relation­ship to Antigonus, but now he was brought before the court of the  p351 Macedonians and was put to death, lacking words to defend himself.97

3 Alexander dispatched riders on racing camels, who travelled faster than the report of Philotas's punishment and murdered his father Parmenion.​98 He had been appointed governor of Media and was in charge of the royal treasures in Ecbatana, amounting to one hundred and eighty thousand talents. 4 Alexander selected from among the Macedonians those who made remarks hostile to him and those who were distressed at the death of Parmenion, as well as those who wrote in letters sent home to Macedonia to their relatives anything contrary to the king's interests. These he assembled into one unit which he called the Disciplinary Company, so that the rest of the Macedonians might not be corrupted by their improper remarks and criticism.99

81 1 After his hands were free of this affair and he had settled things in Dranginê, Alexander marched with his army against a people who used to be called Arimaspians but are now known as Benefactors for the following reason. That Cyrus who had transferred the rule from the Medes to the Persians was once engaged in a campaign in the desert and running out of provisions was brought into extreme danger, so that  p353 for lack of food the soldiers were constrained to eat each other, when the Arimaspians appeared bringing thirty thousand wagons laden with provisions. Saved from utter despair, then, Cyrus gave them exemption from taxation and other marks of honour, and abolishing their former appellation, named them Benefactors. 2 So now, when all led his army into their country, they received him kindly and he honoured the tribe with suitable gifts.100

Their neighbours, the so‑called Cedrosians,​101 did the same, and them too he rewarded with appropriate favours. He gave the administration of these two peoples to Tiridates.​102 3 While he was thus occupied reports were brought to him that Satibarzanes had returned from Bactria with a large force of cavalry to Areia, and had caused the population to revolt from Alexander. At this news, the king dispatched against him a portion of his army under the command of Erigyius and Stasanor, while he himself conquered Arachosia and in a few days made it subject to him.103

82 1 When this year was over, Euthycritus became archon at Athens and at Rome Lucius Platius and Lucius Papirius became consuls. The one hundred  p355 and thirteenth Olympic Games were held.​104 In this year Alexander marched against so‑called Paropanisadae, 2 whose country lies in the extreme north; it is snow-covered and not easily approached by other tribe because of the extreme cold. The most of it is a plain and woodless, and divided up among many villages.​105 3 These contain houses with roofs of tile drawn up at the top into a peaked vault.​106 In the middle of each roof an aperture is left through which smoke escapes, and since the building is enclosed all around the people find ample protection against the weather. 4 Because of the depth of the snow, they spend the most of the year indoors, having their own supplies at hand. They heap up soil about vines and fruit trees, and leave it so for the winter season, removing the earth again at the time of budding. 5 The landscape nowhere shows any verdure or cultivation; all is white and dazzling because of the snow and the ice which form in it. No bird, therefore, alights there nor does any animal pass,  p357 and all parts of the country are unvisited and inaccessible.107

6 The king, nevertheless, in spite of all those obstacles confronting the army, exercised the customary boldness and hardihood of the Macedonians and surmounted the difficulties of the region. 7 Many of the soldiers and of the camp followers became exhausted and were left behind. Some too because of the glare of the snow and the hard brilliance of the reflected light lost their sight. 8 Nothing could be seen clearly from a distance. It was only as the villages were revealed by their smoke that the Macedonians discovered where the dwellings were, even when they were standing right on top of them. By this method the villages were taken and the soldiers recovered from their hardships amidst a plenty of provisions. Before long the king made himself master of all the population.108

83 1 Now in his advance Alexander encamped near the Caucasus, which some call Mt. Paropanisum.º109 In sixteen days he marched across this range from side to side, and founded a city in the pass which leads down to Media,​110 calling it Alexandria. In the midst of the Caucasus there is a "rock"​111 ten furlongs in perimeter and four furlongs in height, in which the cave of Prometheus was pointed out by the natives,  p359 as well as the nesting place of the eagle in the story and the marks of the chains.112

2 Alexander founded other cities also at the distance of a day's march from Alexandria. Here he settled seven thousand natives, three thousand of the camp followers, and volunteers from among the mercenaries.​113 3 Then he marched his forces into Bactria, since news came that Bessus had assumed the diadem and was enrolling an army.

Such was the state of Alexander's affairs.

4 The generals who had been sent back to Areia found that the rebels had gathered substantial forces under the command of Satibarzanes, who was distinguished both for general­ship and for personal bravery, and they encamped near them.​114 There was constant skirmishing for a time, and numerous small engagements; 5 then it came to a general battle. The Iranians were holding their own when their general Satibarzanes raised his hands and removed his helmet so that all could see who he was, and challenged any of the Macedonian generals who wished to fight with him alone. 6 Erigyius accepted and a contest of heroic nature ensued, which resulted in Erigyius's victory.  p361 Disheartened at the death of their commander, the Iranians sought their safety in surrender, and gave themselves up to Alexander.

7 Bessus proclaimed himself king, sacrificed to the gods, and invited his friends to a banquet.​115 In the course of the drinking, he fell into an argument with one of them, Bagodaras​116 by name. As the quarrel increased, Bessus lost his temper and proposed to put Bagodaras to death, but was persuaded by his friends to think better of it. 8 Bagodaras, however, saved from this danger, escaped by night to Alexander. His safe reception and the gifts promised by Alexander attracted Bessus's leading generals. They banded together, seized Bessus, and carried him off to Alexander.​117 9 The king gave them substantial gifts, and turned Bessus over to Dareius's brother​118 and his other relatives for punishment. They inflicted upon him every humiliation and abuse, and cutting his body up into little pieces they scattered them abroad.

The Loeb Editor's Notes:

1 Arrian, 3.16.1. Dareius reached Ecbatana from the north. That city is at the Persian end of the best route from Mesopotamia up to the Iranian plateau, however, and so was on the straggler line taken by many of the survivors of the battle.

2 Curtius, 5.1.10; Arrian, 3.15.5.

3 Curtius, 5.1.10, reports 4000 talents.

4 Curtius, 4.1.11.

5 Curtius (5.1.36‑39) gives a lurid description of this entertainment, which he regarded as debauching the army.

6 Curtius, 5.1.43.

7 Arrian, 3.16.4. Some of these administrative arrangements may have been made at Susa (Arrian, 3.16.6‑11).

8 Curtius, 5.1.44; Arrian, 3.16.5. Armenia had not been and was not to be conquered at this time, and Mithrines did not enter upon his governor­ship (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 524).

9 Curtius, 5.1.45. A mina contained one hundred drachmae, and was one-sixtieth of a talent. The pay of Alexander's army is unknown, but that of a cavalry­man must have been at least two drachmae a day. IGII2.329 shows that an Athenian hypaspist serving in the League troops with Alexander received a drachma a day from the city. Cp. W. Rüstow, H. Köchly, Geschichte der griechischen Kriegskunst (1852), 262 f.; Berve, Alexanderreich, 1.193‑196.

10 Curtius (5.1.39‑42) gives the same figures, with the exception of specifying 380 cavalry. These troops must have been sent by Antipater before trouble was anticipated in Greece. They had been recruited by Amyntas (chap. 49.1; Curtius, 5.1.40). The Trallians were a Thracian people.

11 The same figure is given by Curtius, 5.1.42.

12 Curtius, 5.2.1. This district lay parallel to Babylonia on the left bank of the Tigris.

13 Curtius (5.2.2‑7) describes these measures in more detail, but without satisfying our desire for specific military information. It may be that Alexander was re-organizing his dispositions in view of the impending mountain and steppe warfare, requiring increased fire-power and mobility (Rüstow-Köchly, op. cit. 252).

14 Curtius (5.2.8) and Arrian (3.16.9) give his name as Abulites, and say that Alexander left him in Susa as governor.

15 This rumour is not mentioned by the other Alexander historians, and its source is unknown.

16 Justin (11.14.9) and Plutarch (Alexander, 36.1: coined money) give the same figure as Diodorus; Curtius (5.2.11) and Arrian (3.16.7) give 50,000 talents. The daric was the standard Persian gold coin with an image of the king on one side depicted as an archer. The name was popularly derived from that of Dareius I, who first minted them (cp. E. S. G. Robinson, Numismatic Chronicle, 18, 958, 187‑193).

17 The story is told also by Curtius, 5.2.13‑15, but without the moral tone that is striking here. It is well known that the throne was a symbol of divinity in the Orient, and that a king's clothing, bed, and throne were affected with royal and divine mana. Cp. S. Eitrem, Symbolae Osloenses, 10 (1932), 35; R. Labat, Le Caractère religieux de la royauté assyro-babylonienne (1939); P. Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen und Staatssymbolik, 1 (1954), 316‑369; G. Germain, Revue des Études Grecques, 69 (1956), 303‑313; S. Weinstock, Journal of Roman Studies, 47 (1957), 146‑154. This may explain why it was hybris for Alexander to put his feet on the royal table, but not why the throne was so high. A. Alföldi (La Nouvelle Clio, 1950, 537), however, points out that Persian thrones were normally elevated seven steps up, and this one may have lacked its steps. Probably Diodorus's source did not rationalize the anecdote. Curtius (8.4.15‑17) reports that Alexander mentioned this sanctity of the throne, saying that he did not believe in it. Cp. also the second throne incident, chap. 116.2‑4. See Addenda.

18 Curtius, 5.2.17.

19 That is, the Pasitigris (Curtius, 5.3.1: "fourth day"; Arrian, 3.17.1).

20 For the character of the country cp. Strabo, 15.3.6 (729). No one else so emphasizes its fertility.

21 Curtius, 5.3.4‑15; Arrian, 3.17.

22 Curtius, 5.3.17.

23 Arrian's account (3.18) explains that Alexander had sent on his main body of troops toward Persis along the royal road, and only undertook this pass with a flying column.

24 Curtius, 5.3.17 (25,000 infantry); Arrian, 3.18.2 (40,000 infantry and 700 cavalry).

25 Curtius, 5.3.17‑23, more reasonably, says thirty furlongs.

26 Strictly speaking, that is, he knew Persian and Lycian (Plutarch, Alexander, 37.1), but Curtius (5.4.4) adds more relevantly that he also knew Greek.

27 This is a somewhat unexpected term which editors have viewed with suspicion, but a path which follows folds in the mountains is often marked by vegetation. Curtius (5.4.24) locates these bushes in a great ravine.

28 Curtius, 5.7.12, states that he did actually receive thirty talents.

29 Curtius, 5.4.18. Arrian (3.18.5) states that this force included five squadrons of heavy cavalry and 4500 Macedonian hoplites.

30 For the whole story, Curtius, 5.4; Plutarch, Alexander, 37; Arrian, 3.18.1‑9.

31 "Custos pecuniae regiae," Curtius, 5.5.2.

32 Curtius, 5.5.4.

33 This story is told at somewhat greater length by Curtius (5.5.5‑24), as well as by Justin (11.14.11‑12). It is not given by Plutarch or Arrian.

34 The same figures are given by Curtius, 5.5.24.

35 Curtius, 5.6.1 (not in Arrian).

36 Curtius, 5.6.1‑8. In any captured town, it was customary to kill the men and enslave the women. Here, because of the prevailing level of luxury, the rich stuffs were the object of first attention, and women were abducted because of the clothing which they wore.

37 Diodorus does not say whether Alexander accepted the offer of Tiridates to surrender Persepolis to him (chap. 69.1). The city was treated as if it had been taken by storm. Curtius (5.6.11) reports that Tiridates was rewarded for turning over the royal treasures.

38 Curtius (5.6.9) gives the same figures. The total is expressed as weight of silver and value of gold, the latter being equated of the silver according to a proportion which is not stated. The usual ratio of gold to silver in antiquity was 12 or 15 to 1. Strabo (15.3.9 [731]) reports that the treasure was ultimately assembled at Ecbatana.

39 By the term "natives" here Diodorus means the people of Persepolis and the vicinity. Alexander was more and more to employ other Persians in his service.

40 This description of Persepolis is not given elsewhere. It is to be compared with the remains of the city as excavated by University of Chicago.

41 Ninety feet. The highest foundations of walls preserved at Persepolis are eighteen metres or about sixty feet. No stone walls remain in the city.

42 The purpose of these is unknown, but they suggest the flagstaffs which stood by the pylons of the Egyptian temples.

43 Fischer asked relevantly: "Distance from where?" This space of four hundred feet is rather less than the west-east width of the terrace from the appadana to the steep mountain side. This last is full of caves suitable for burials, many of them very old.

44 Or, literally, generals.

45 Arrian (3.18.11) barely mentions the burning of Persepolis, but the story of Thaïs was a popular one. It is told in substantially this form by Curtius (5.7) and Plutarch (Alexander, 38). See Addenda.

46 That is, in the invasions of Greece by Dareius and Xerxes. Cp. Book 16.89.2.

47 Curtius, 5.6.11‑19, reports what must have been a substantial campaign. It is ignored by Arrian.

48 The same figure in Curtius, 5.8.3.

49 Diodorus does scant justice to the dramatic story of Dareius's flight, over taking, and death; cp. Curtius, 5.8‑13; Justin, 11.15; Plutarch, Alexander, 42.3‑43.3; Arrian, 3.19‑22. The standard version in all is that Dareius was still living when discovered, but died before Alexander saw him. Plutarch, De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri, on the other hand, has Alexander covering Dareius with his own cloak (1.11 [332F]).

50 Continued from chaps. 48.1 and 62.6‑63.4.

51 Curtius (6.1.19) suggests that this was due to Antipater's fear of Alexander.

52 Curtius, 6.1.20. This delegation is to be distinguished from the Spartan envoys to Dareius whom Alexander arrested (Curtius, 6.5.7; Arrian, 3.24.4).

53 Cephisophon was archon at Athens from July of 329 to June of 328 B.C. The Roman consuls of 331 B.C. were C. Valerius Potitus and M. Claudius Marcellus (Broughton, 1.143).

54 These names appear as Nabarzanes and Barsaëntes in Curtius and Arrian.

55 Curtius, 6.6.13; Arrian, 3.25.3.

56 Curtius, 6.2.15‑3.18; Justin, 12.3.2‑3; Plutarch, Alexander, 47.

57 These were the troops furnished according to their decision by the members of the Hellenic League (Books 16.89.3; 17.4.9). Curtius (6.2.17), also, reports their dismissal at this time; their mission was complete with the destruction of Persepolis and the death of Dareius. Arrian (3.19.5) places their dismissal earlier, at Ecbatana.

58 Curtius (6.2.17) gives this figures. These sums are much larger than those distributed at Babylon (chap. 64.6). One may wonder whether Alexander could have been so generous to Greeks without taking care of the Macedonians equally well.

59 Curtius (6.2.10) gives 12,000 talents.

60 Usually called Hecatompylus; Curtius, 6.2.15.

61 Cp. on chap. 28, above, p195, note 44.

62 Curtius, 6.4.3‑7. The spring is identified as the modern Chesmeh-i‑Ali about fifteen miles north-west of Hecatompylus; cp. P. Pédech, Revue des Études Anciennes, 60 (1958), 67‑81.

63 Curtius (6.4.4‑5) gives the same figures.

64 Curtius, 6.4.18.

65 Strabo, 11.7.2 (cp. 2.1.14), who says sixty medimni. A metretes was about four and one-half gallons, a medimnus about one and one-half bushels.

66 This item comes from Onesicritus, and concerns a fig-tree called "occhus." Cp.  Curtius, 6.4.22; Theophrastus, Historia Plantarum, 4.4.12; Pliny, Naturalis Historia, 12.18.33.

67 With some exaggeration, Cleitarchus said of this insect (Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, no. 137, F 14): "It lays waste the hill-country and dashes into the hollow oaks." Tarn (Alexander the Great, 2.90) may be right in preferring the manuscript reading which would make it "smaller than the bee but with a vast appearance," although I do not see precisely what this would mean. Cp. Strabo, 2.1.14.

68 Individuals are named in Curtius, 6.4.8‑14; 4.23‑5.5; 5.22‑23; Arrian, 3.23.7‑9.

69 The same figure is given in Curtius, 6.5.6‑10, and Arrian, 3.23.8‑9; 24.5.

70 Curtius, 6.5.11‑17; Arrian, 3.24.1‑3.

71 The famous Bucephalus.

72 Not otherwise mentioned by Diodorus, Demaratus was of some fame. He had served in Sicily with Timoleon, and although no longer young, accompanied Alexander to Asia, fought at the Granicus, and died shortly before Alexander's Indian campaign (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 253). Plutarch, Alexander, 9.6, mentions Demaratus as one of Philip's advisers, but says (6.1) that Bucephalus was given to Alexander by Philoneicus the Thessalian.

73 Curtius, 6.5.18‑21; Plutarch, Alexander, 44; Arrian, 5.19.4‑6 (told as an anecdote at the time of the animal's death).

74 Plutarch, Alexander, 46.1, has been generally taken to mean that the queen of the Amazons visited Alexander north of the Jaxartes, in spite of the considerations that this was an odd place for Alexander to linger, and a very long way from the traditional home of the Amazons. This is certainly wrong. In sect. 44, Alexander was in Hyrcania, and lost and recovered his horse. In sect. 45, Alexander advanced into Parthia, and experimented with Median dress. In sect. 46, the Amazons came. Sect. 47 deals again with his Medizing, and sect. 48 with the conspiracy exposed at Prophtasia in Drangianê. That is to say, Plutarch's narrative follows the actual route of Alexander, and the word "here" with which sect. 46 begins must mean Parthia. The reference to Alexander's flying expedition across the Jaxartes at the end of sect. 45, which has misled scholars, is a parenthesis, illustrating Alexander's indifference to physical discomfort.

75 If we are to accept that Thallestris and her Amazons existed and had heard of Alexander, there is no insuperable difficulty in supposing that they proceeded from Thermodon on the Black Sea through the valleys of the Phasis and Cyrus Rivers and along the coast of the Caspian Sea. They would have passed through the recently subdued country of the Mardi and overtaken Alexander in Hyrcania (or Parthia, as Plutarch). Cp. Strabo, 11.5.4.

76 This Amazon visit was a part of the Alexander tradition which Diodorus followed; cp. Curtius, 6.5.24‑32, and Justin, 12.3.5‑7, both of whom give also the length of the queen's stay as thirteen days. (Justin explains, "ut est visa uterum implesse.") Arrian mentions Amazons only in other contexts (4.15.4; 7.13.2‑6) and expresses the doubt that any still existed — especially since they were not mentioned by Aristobulus or Ptolemy. Plutarch, Alexander, 46.1, gives a full list of authorities in favour of or opposed to the visit, but doubts the story (46.2), because it is poorly attested, not because Amazons did not exist. Disbelief in Amazons as such is a modern phenomenon.

77 Curtius, 6.6.1‑11; Justin, 12.3.8‑12; Plutarch, Alexander4547.

78 He had distinguished himself at Issus (chap. 34.2) and gone over to Alexander after Dareius's death (Curtius, 6.2.11; Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 586).

79 The Great Kings wore an upright tiara with a fillet about it; Alexander and the Hellenistic kings wore typically the fillet alone.

80 Curtius, 6.6.4; Justin, 12.3.8; Plutarch, Alexander, 45.1‑2. Plutarch (De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri, 1.8 [329F-330A]) praises Alexander for conciliating his subjects in this way.

81 Curtius, 3.3.24; 6.6.8; Justin, 12.3.10. This retinue of concubines was part of the traditional ceremonial of the Persian court. Solomon had a similar establishment (1 Kings 4), including a harem (1 Kings 11.3). There were three hundred and sixty of them, according to Ctesias (Plutarch, Artaxerxes, 27), be three hundred and sixty-five in the Alexander tradition (Curtius, l.c.). Modern scholars are not inclined to accept this as true, but Alexander's army notoriously did not travel light, and if he had placed his court under a Persian chamberlain, that official would doubtless have attempted to equip it in the proper fashion. Cp. the many anecdotes of Alexander's luxury in Athenaeus, 12.537‑540 (and of Dareius, idem, 13.557B).

82 Satibarzanes had been one of the murderers of Dareius, but, after defeating him, Alexander had confirmed him in his satrapy, leaving a small force of Macedonians with him to ensure his good behaviour (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 697).

83 The city is usually called Artacoana.

84 Curtius, 6.6.22.

85 It is futile to guess what name is missing in the manuscripts.

86 The same term occurs in Curtius, 6.6.23‑26. Cp. on chap. 28, p195, note 44.

87 Curtius, 6.6.13‑36; Arrian, 3.25.1‑7.

88 Arrian (3.25.8) calls these people "Zarangaioi." The usual term is Drangianê.

89 Diodorus has compressed the movements involved in this operation. Alexander had left Hyrcania and passed through Parthia and Aria, where he left Satibarzanes as satrap. He advanced east toward Bactria. At the revolt of Satibarzanes, he returned to Aria; the satrap in his flight must have passed Alexander going in the opposite direction. He can have encountered Satibarzanes's foot troops in the mountains east of Artacoana and not have proceeded to that city. Finally, after thirty days, he turned south into Drangianê, abandoning his original route.

90 For the story of the conspiracy and its consequences cp. Curtius, 6.7-7.2.34; Justin, 12.5.1‑3; Plutarch, Alexander, 48‑49.7; Arrian, 3.26.

91 The name is given by Curtius as Dymnus, by Plutarch as Limnus.

92 In Curtius and Plutarch, Nicomachus did not approve of the plot and assisted in exposing it. Here also, both Cebalinus and Nicomachus seem not to have been punished.

93 Plutarch also; cp. also De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri, 2.7 (339E-F).

94 The page, whose name is given by Curtius as Metron, happened to be in charge of Alexander's weapons.

95 Others report that Dimnus killed himself (Curtius, 6.7.29‑30) or was killed resisting capture (Plutarch, Alexander, 49.4).

96 Either by being stoned (Curtius, 6.11.10, 38) or by being pierced with javelins (Arrian, 3.26.3).

97 The arrest of Alexander was mentioned above (chap. 32.1). If the throne were vacant, he would have been the logical person to become king, so that his continued existence involved King Alexander in a certain risk. His wife was one of the many daughters of Antipater (Curtius, 7.1.7), but his relation­ship to Antigonus is unknown. The latter was King Alexander's representative in Phrygia, but it is likely that his name is a mistake for Antipater's, since Alexander Lyncestes was his son-in‑law (Curtius, 7.1.7; Justin, 11.7.1).

98 Polydamas and two Arab guides (Curtius, 7.2.17‑18). They made the thirty-days' trip in eleven days (Strabo, 15.2.10).

99 Curtius, 7.2.35‑38; Justin, 12.5.4‑8. This name, the "Company of the Undisciplined," is not otherwise reported. The term could be translated also "Unassigned."

100 Curtius, 7.3.3; Arrian, 3.27.4‑5.

101 These are usually called Gedrosians.

102 Arrian (3.27.5) reports that these tribes were left independent; it may be that this Tiridates was a native of the country (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 755). Menon became satrap of Gedrosia and Arachosia (Arrian, 3.28.1) or of Arachosia alone (Curtius, 7.3.5).

103 Curtius, 7.3.2; Arrian, 3.28.2‑3. They both report that the Macedonian troops were commanded by Erigyius and Caranus, but that Stasanor took over the satrapy in place of the revolted satrap Arsames.

104 Euthycritus was archon at Athens from July of 328 to June of 327 B.C. The Roman consuls of 330 B.C. were L. Papirius Crassus and L. Plautius Venno (Broughton, 1.143). The Olympic Games were those of July 328. Diodorus neglected to name the winner of the foot race, who was Cliton of Macedonia, according to Eusebius, Chronikon. By now, Diodorus's chronology is seriously off; it can have been no later than the autumn of 330 B.C., "at the setting of the Pleiades" (Strabo, 15.2.10).

105 Curtius, 7.3.5‑18; Justin, 12.5.9; Arrian, 3.28.4‑7. This country is the highland of Afghanistan, cold in the winter, but neither in the north nor a plain. According to Aristobulus (Arrian, 3.28.6), nothing grew there except terebinth and asafoetida.

106 Curtius's description of these buildings (7.3.8‑9) is clearer. He compares the roofs to the keels of ships. The houses were partly under­ground (Plutarch, De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri, 2.9 [340E]).

107 Curtius, also (7.3.10‑11), mentions burying the plants to protect them and the absence of animals and birds.

108 Alexander wintered there in 330/329 (Strabo, 15.2.10).

109 Curtius, 7.3.19‑23; Arrian, 3.28.4. The Hindu Kush, which the ancients tended to confuse with the Caucasus (Arrian, 5.3.1‑4; Strabo, 11.5.5).

110 This is clearly a mistake, perhaps a scribal mistake, for India, and editors since Reiske have tended to correct the text accordingly. The city was known as Alexandria of the Caucasus.

111 Cp. the note on chap. 28, p195, note 44.

112 Curtius, 7.3.22. The story was rejected by Eratosthenes (Strabo, 11.5.5; Arrian, 5.3.1‑4).

113 These cities are not otherwise mentioned. They may have been outlying forts or fortified villages. It is interesting that they received no Macedonian settlers. Arrian's descriptions (e.g., 4.4.1) of simple settlements show the same pattern of population. Curtius (7.3.23) assigns these seven thousand to Alexandria of Caucasus.

114 Continued from chap. 81.3. Curtius, also, breaks his narrative of the revolt, and describes its conclusion and the duel between the leaders after discussing Bessus' assumption of power (7.4.33‑4). Arrian, on the other hand, tells the whole story at once (3.28.3).

115 Curtius, 7.4.1‑19.

116 Curtius names this man Gobares (as corrected from the Cobares of the manuscripts).

117 Curtius, 7.5.19‑26. This is the account of Aristobulus; Ptolemy's version was that he himself had captured Bessus (Arrian, 3.29.8‑30.5). Bessus was executed later in Ecbatana (Curtius, 7.10.10; Arrian, 4.7.3; cp. Plutarch, Alexander, 43.3).

118 Presumably the Oxathres named in chap. 77.4.

[image ALT: Valid HTML 4.01.]

Page updated: 5 Aug 16