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This webpage reproduces a portion of
The Library of History

Diodorus Siculus

published in Vol. X
of the Loeb Classical Library edition, 1954

The text is in the public domain.

This page has been carefully proofread
and I believe it to be free of errors.
If you find a mistake though,
please let me know!


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(Vol. X) Diodorus Siculus
Library of History

(Book XX, continued)

 p191  19 1 In Macedonia,​1 Cassander, going to the aid of Audoleon,​2 king of the Paeonians, who was fighting against the Autariatae,​3 freed the king from danger, but the Autariatae with the children and women who were following them, numbering in all twenty thousand, he settled beside the mountain called Orbelus.4  p193 2 While he was thus engaged, in the Peloponnesus Ptolemaeus,​5 the general of Antigonus, who had been entrusted with an army but had taken offence at the prince because, as he said, he was not being honoured according to his deserts,​6 revolted from Antigonus and made an alliance with Cassander. And having left as governor of the satrapy along the Hellespont one of his most faithful friends, Phoenix,​7 Ptolemaeus sent soldiers to him, bidding him garrison the strongholds and the cities and not to obey Antigonus.

3 Since the agreements common to the leaders provided for the liberation of the Greek cities,​8 Ptolemy, the ruler of Egypt, charged Antigonus with having occupied some of the cities with garrisons, and prepared to go to war. 4 Sending his army and Leonides as its commander, Ptolemy subdued the cities in Cilicia Trachea which were subject to Antigonus; and he sent also to the cities that were controlled by Cassander and Lysimachus, asking them to co-operate with him and prevent Antigonus from becoming too powerful. 5 But Antigonus sent Philip, the younger of his sons, to the Hellespont to fight it out with Phoenix and the rebels; and to Cilicia he sent Demetrius, who, carrying on the campaign with vigour, defeated the generals of Ptolemy and recovered the cities.

20 1 Meanwhile Polyperchon,​9 who was biding his  p195 time in the Peloponnesus, and who was nursing grievances against Cassander and had long craved the leader­ship of the Macedonians, summoned from Pergamon Barsinê's​10 son Heracles,​11 who was the son of Alexander but was being reared in Pergamon, being about seventeen years of age.​12 2 Moreover, Polyperchon, sending to his own friends in many places and to those who were at odds with Cassander, kept urging them to restore the youth to his ancestral throne. 3 He also wrote to the Federal League of the Aetolians, begging them to grant a safe conduct and to join forces with him and promising to repay the favour many times over if they would aid in placing the youth on his ancestral throne. Since the affair proceeded as he wished, the Aetolians being in hearty agreement and many others hurrying to aid in the restoration of the king, in all there were assembled more than twenty thousand infantry and at least one thousand horsemen. 4 Meanwhile Polyperchon, intent on the preparations for the war, was gathering money; and sending to those to Macedonians who were friendly, he kept urging them to join in the undertaking.13

21 1 Ptolemy, however, who was master of the cities of Cyprus, on learning from certain persons that Nicocles,​14 the king of Paphos, had secretly and  p197 privately formed an alliance with Antigonus, dispatched two of his friends, Argaeus and Callicrates, ordering them to slay Nicocles; for he was taking all precautions lest any others also should hasten to shift allegiance when they saw that those were left unpunished who had previously rebelled. These two men, accordingly, after sailing to the island and obtaining soldiers from Menelaüs the general,​15 surrounded the house of Nicocles, informed him of the king's wishes and ordered him to take his own life. 2 At first he tried to defend himself against the charges, but then, since no one heeded him, he slew himself. Axiothea, the wife of Nicocles, on learning of her husband's death, slew her daughters, who were unwed, in order that no enemy might possess them; and she urged the wives of Nicocles' brothers to choose death along with her, although Ptolemy had given no instructions in regard to the women but had agreed to their safety. 3 When the palace had thus been filled full of death and unforeseen disaster, the brothers of Nicocles, after fastening the doors, set fire to the building and slew themselves. Thus the house of the kings of Paphos, after meeting such tragic suffering, was brought to its end in the way described.

Now that we have followed to its end the tale of what took place in Cyprus, we shall turn the course of our narrative toward the events which follow.

22 1 At about this same time in the region of the Pontus, after the death of Parysades, who was king of the Cimmerian Bosporus, his sons Eumelus, Satyrus,  p199 and Prytanis were engaged in a struggle against each other for the primacy. 2 Of these, Satyrus, since he was the eldest, had received the government from his father, who had been king for thirty-eight years; but Eumelus, after concluding a treaty of friendship with some of the barbarians who lived near by and collecting a strong army, set up a rival claim to the throne. 3 On learning this, Satyrus set out against him with a strong army; and, after he had crossed the river Thates​16 and drawn near the enemy, he surrounded his camp with the waggons in which he carried his abundant supplies, and drew up his army for battle, taking his own place in the centre of the phalanx as is the Scythian custom. 4 Enrolled in his army were not more than two thousand Greek mercenaries and an equal number of Thracians, but all the rest were Scythian allies, more than twenty thousand foot-soldiers and not less than ten thousand horse. Eumelus, however, had as ally Aripharnes, the king of the Siraces,​17 with twenty thousand horse and twenty-two thousand foot. 5 In a stubborn battle that took place, Satyrus with picked cavalry about him charged against Aripharnes, who had stationed himself in the middle of the line; and after many had fallen on both sides, he finally forced back and routed the king of the barbarians. 6 At first he pushed on, slaying the enemy as he overtook them; but after a little, hearing that his brother Eumelus was gaining  p201 the upper hand on the right wing and that his own mercenaries had been turned to flight, he gave up the pursuit. Going to the aid of those who had been worsted and for the second time becoming the author of victory, he routed the entire army of the enemy, so that it became clear to all that, by reason both of his birth and of his valour, it was proper that he should succeed to the throne of his fathers.

23 1 Aripharnes and Eumelus, however, after having been defeated in the battle, escaped to the capital city.​18 This was situated on the Thates River, which made the city rather difficult of access since the river encircled it and was of considerable depth. The city was surrounded also by great cliffs and thick woods, and had only two entrances, both artificial, of which one was within the royal castle itself and was strengthened with high towers and outworks, and the other was on the opposite side in swampy land, fortified by wooden palisades, and it rested upon piles at intervals and supported houses above the water. Since the strength of the position was so great, Satyrus at first plundered the country of the enemy and fired the villages, from which he collected prisoners and much booty. 2 Afterwards, however, he attempted to make his way by force through the approaches. At the outworks and towers he lost many of his soldiers and withdrew, but he forced a passage through the swamp and captured the wooden  p203 barricades. 3 After destroying these and crossing the river, he began to cut down the woods through which it was necessary to advance to reach the palace. While this was being energetically carried on, King Aripharnes, alarmed lest his citadel should be taken by storm, fought against him with great boldness since he believed that in victory alone lay hope of safety. 4 He stationed archers on both sides of the passage, by whose aid he easily inflicted mortal wounds on the men who were cutting down the woods, for because of the density of the trees they could neither see the missiles in time nor strike back at the archers. 5 The men of Satyrus for three days went on cutting down the woods and making a roadway, bearing up amid hardship; on the fourth day they drew near to the wall but they were overcome by the great number of missiles and by the confined space, and sustained great losses. 6 Indeed, Meniscus, the leader of the mercenaries, a man excelling in sagacity and boldness, after pushing forward through the passage to the wall and fighting brilliantly together with his men, was forced to withdraw when a much stronger force came out against him. 7 Seeing him in danger, Satyrus quickly came to his aid; but, while withstanding the onrush of the enemy, he was wounded with a spear through the upper arm. Grievously disabled because of the wound, he returned to the camp and when night came on he died, having reigned only nine months after the death of his father Parysades. 8 But Meniscus, the leader of the mercenaries, giving up the siege, led the army back to the city Gargaza,​19 whence he conveyed the king's body by  p205 way of the river​20 to Panticapaeum to his brother, Prytanis.

24 1 Prytanis, after celebrating a magnificent funeral and placing the body in the royal tombs, came quickly to Gargaza and took over both the army and the royal power. When Eumelus sent envoys to discuss a partition of the kingdom, he did not heed him but he left a garrison in Gargaza and returned to Panticapaeum in order to secure the royal prerogatives for himself. During this time Eumelus with the co-operation of the barbarians captured Gargaza and several of the other cities and villages. 2 When Prytanis took the field against him, Eumelus defeated his brother in battle; and, after shutting him up in the isthmus​21 near the Maeotic Lake, he forced him to accept terms according to which he gave over his army and agreed to vacate his place as king. However, when Prytanis entered Panticapaeum, which had always been the capital of those who had ruled in Bosporus, he tried to recover his kingdom; but he was over­powered and fled to the so‑called Gardens,​22 where he was slain. 3 After his brothers' death Eumelus, wishing to establish his power securely, slew the friends of Satyrus and Prytanis, and likewise their wives and children. The only one to escape him was Parysades, the son of Satyrus, who was very young; he, riding out of the city on horseback, took refuge with Agarus,​23 the king of  p207 the Scythians. 4 Since the citizens were angry at the slaughter of their kinsmen, Eumelus summoned the people to an assembly in which he defended himself in this matter and restored the constitution of their fathers. He even granted to them the immunity from taxation that those who lived in Panticapaeum had enjoyed under his ancestors. He promised also to free all of them from special levies, and he discussed many other measures as he sought the favour of the people. 5 When all had been promptly restored to their former goodwill by his benevolence, from that time on he continued to be king, ruling in a constitutional way over his subjects and by his excellence winning no little admiration.

25 1 For Eumelus continued to show kindness to the people of Byzantium and to those of Sinopê and to most of the other Greeks who lived on the Pontus; and when the people of Callantia were besieged by Lysimachus and were hard pressed by lack of food,​24 he took under his care a thousand who had left their homes because of the famine. Not only did he grant them a safe place of refuge, but he gave them a city in which to live and allotted to them the region called Psoancaëticê.​25 2 In the interests of those who sailed on the Pontus he waged war against the barbarians who were accustomed to engage in piracy, the Heniochians, the Taurians, and the Achaeans; and he cleared the sea of pirates, with the result that, not only throughout his own kingdom but even throughout almost all the inhabited world, since the merchants carried abroad the news of his nobility, he  p209 received that highest reward of well-doing — praise. 3 He also gained possession of much of the adjacent region inhabited by the barbarians and made his kingdom far more famous. In sum, he undertook to subdue all the nations around the Pontus, and possibly he would have accomplished his purpose if his life had not been suddenly cut off. For, after he had been king for five years and an equal number of months, he died, suffering a very strange mishap. 4 As he was returning home from Sindicê and was hurrying for a sacrifice, riding to his palace in a four-horse carriage which had four wheels and a canopy, it happened that the horses were frightened and ran away with him. Since the driver was unable to manage the reins, the king, fearing lest he be carried to the ravines, tried to jump out; but his sword caught in the wheel,​26 and he was dragged along by the motion of the carriage and died on the spot.

26 1 About the death of the brothers, Eumelus and Satyrus, prophecies have been handed down, rather silly yet accepted among the people of the land. They say that the god had told Satyrus to be on his guard against the mouse lest it sometime cause his death. For this reason he permitted neither slave nor freeman of those assigned to his service to have this name; and he also feared domestic and field mice and was always ordering his slaves to kill them and block up their holes. But, although he did everything possible by which he thought to ward off his doom, he died, struck in the upper arm through the  p211 "mouse."​27 2 In the case of Eumelus the warning was that he should be on guard against the house that is on the move.​28 Therefore he never afterward entered a house freely unless his servants had previously examined the roof and the foundations. But when he died because of the canopy that was carried on the four-horse chariot, all agreed that the prophecy had been fulfilled.

3 Concerning the events that took place in the Bosporus, let this suffice us.

In Italy the Roman consuls with an army invaded the hostile territory​29 and defeated the Samnites in battle at the place called Talium. When the defeated had occupied the place named the Holy Mount, the Romans for the moment withdrew to their own camp since night was coming on; but on the next day a second battle was waged in which many of the Samnites were killed and more than twenty-two hundred were taken prisoners. 4 After such successes had been won by the Romans, it came to pass that their consuls from then on dominated the open country with impunity and overcame the cities which did not submit. Taking Cataracta and Ceraunilia by siege, they imposed garrisons upon them, but some of the other cities they won over by persuasion.30

27 1 When Demetrius of Phalerum was archon in Athens, in Rome Quintus Fabius received the consul­ship for the second time and Gaius Marcius for the  p213 first.​31 While these were in office, Ptolemy, the king of Egypt, hearing that his own generals had lost the cities of Cilicia, sailed with an army to Phaselis and took this city. Then, crossing into Lycia, he took by storm Xanthus, which was garrisoned by Antigonus. 2 Next he sailed to Caunus​32 and won the city; and violently attacking the citadels, which were held by garrisons, he stormed the Heracleum, but he gained possession of the Persicum when its soldiers delivered it to him. Thereafter he sailed to Cos 3 and sent for Ptolemaeus, who, although he was the nephew of Antigonus and had been entrusted by him with an army, had deserted his uncle and was offering co-operation to Ptolemy.​33 When Ptolemaeus had sailed from Chalcis and had come to Cos, Ptolemy at first received him graciously; then, on discovering that he had become presumptuous and was trying to win over the leaders to himself by conversing with them and giving them gifts, fearing lest he should devise some plot, he forestalled this by arresting him and compelled him to drink hemlock. As for the soldiers who had followed Ptolemaeus, after Ptolemy had won their favour through promises, he distributed them among the men of his own army.

28 1 Meanwhile Polyperchon, who had collected a strong army, brought back to his father's kingdom Heracles, the son of Alexander and Barsinê;​34 but when he was in camp at the place called Stymphaeum,35  p215 Cassander arrived with his army. As the camps were not far distant from each other and the Macedonians regarded the restoration of the king without disfavour, Cassander, since he feared lest the Macedonians, being by nature prone to change sides easily, should sometime desert to Heracles, sent an embassy to Polyperchon. 2 As for the king, Cassander tried to show Polyperchon that if the restoration should take place he would do what was ordered by others; but, he said, if Polyperchon joined with him and slew the stripling, he would at once recover what had formerly been granted him throughout Macedonia, and then, after receiving an army, he would be appointed general in the Peloponnesus and would be partner in everything in Cassander's realm, being honoured above all. Finally he won Polyperchon over by many great promises, made a secret compact with him, and induced him to murder the king.​36 3 When Polyperchon had slain the youth and was openly co-operating with Cassander, he recovered the grants in Macedonia and also, according to the agreement, received four thousand Macedonian foot-soldiers and five hundred Thessalian horse. 4 Enrolling also those of the others who wished, he attempted to lead them through Boeotia into the Peloponnesus; but, when he was prevented by Boeotians and Peloponnesians, he turned aside, advanced into Locris, and there passed the winter.37

29 1 While these events were taking place, Lysimachus  p217 founded a city in the Chersonesus, calling it Lysimachea after himself.​38 Cleomenes, the king of the Lacedaemonians, died after having ruled sixty years and ten months;​39 and Areus, grandson of Cleomenes and son of Acrotatus,​40 succeeded to the throne and ruled for forty-four years.

2 At about this time Hamilcar,​41 the general of the armies in Sicily, after gaining possession of the remaining outposts, advanced with his army against Syracuse, intending to take that city also by storm. 3 He prevented the importation of grain since he had controlled the sea for a long time; and after destroying the crops on the land he now undertook to capture the region about the Olympieum,​42 which lies before the city. Immediately on his arrival, however, he also decided to attack the walls, since the soothsayer had said to him at the inspection of the victims that on the next day he would certainly dine in Syracuse. 4 But the people of the city, learning the intention of their enemy, sent out at night about three thousand of their infantry and about four hundred of their cavalry, ordering them to occupy Euryelus.​43 5 These quickly carried out the orders; but the Carthaginians advanced during the night, believing that they would  p219 not be seen by the enemy. Now Hamilcar was in the foremost place with those who were regularly arrayed about him, and he was followed by Deinocrates,​44 who had received command of the cavalry. 6 The main body of the foot-soldiers was divided into two phalanxes, one composed of the barbarians and one of the Greek allies. Outside the ranks a mixed crowd of rabble also followed along for the sake of booty, men who are of no use whatever to an army, but are the source of tumult and irrational confusion, from which the most extreme dangers often arise. 7 And on this occasion, since the roads were narrow and rough, the baggage train and some of the camp-followers kept jostling each other as they competed for the right of way; and, since the crowd was pressed into a narrow space and for this reason some became involved in brawls and many tried to help each side, great confusion and tumult prevailed in the army.

8 At this point the Syracusans who had occupied Euryelus, perceiving that the enemy were advancing in confusion whereas they themselves occupied higher positions, charged upon their opponents.​45 9 Some of them stood on the heights and sent missiles at those who were coming up, some by occupying advantageous positions forced the fleeing soldiers to cast themselves down the cliffs; for on account of the darkness and the lack of information the enemy supposed that the Syracusans had arrived with a large force for the  p221 attack. 10 The Carthaginians, being at a disadvantage partly because of the confusion in their own ranks and partly because of the sudden appearance of the enemy, and in particular at a loss because of their ignorance of the locality and their cramped position, were driven into flight. But since there was no broad passage through the place, some of them were trodden down by their own horsemen, who were numerous, and others fought among themselves as if enemies, ignorance prevailing because of the darkness. 11 Hamilcar at first withstood the enemy stoutly and exhorted those drawn up near him to join with him in the fighting; but afterwards the soldiers abandoned him on account of the confusion and panic, and he, left alone, was pounced upon by the Syracusans.

30 1 One might with reason note the inconsistency of Fortune and the strange manner in which human events turn out contrary to expectation. For Agathocles, who was outstanding in courage and who had had a large army fighting in his support, not only was defeated decisively by the barbarians at the Himeras River, but he even lost the strongest and largest part of his army;​46 whereas the garrison troops left behind in Syracuse, with only a small part of those who had previously been defeated, not only got the better of the Carthaginian army that had besieged them, but even captured alive Hamilcar, the most famous of their citizens. And what was most amazing, one hundred and twenty thousand foot-soldiers and five thousand horsemen were defeated  p223 in battle by a small number of the enemy who enlisted deception and terrain on their side; so that the saying is true that many are the empty alarms of war.47

2 After the rout the Carthaginians, scattered some here some there, were with difficulty gathered on the next day; and the Syracusans, returning to the city with much plunder, delivered Hamilcar over to those who wished to take vengeance upon him. They recalled also the word of the soothsayer who had said that Hamilcar would enter Syracuse and dine there on the next day, the divinity having presented the truth in disguise. The kinsmen of the slain, after leading Hamilcar through the city in bonds and inflicting terrible tortures upon him, put him to death with the utmost indignities. Then the rulers of the city cut off his head and dispatched men to carry it into Libya to Agathocles and report to him the successes that had been gained.

31 1 When the Carthaginian army after the disaster had taken place learned the cause of its misfortune, it was with difficulty relieved from its fears. There being no established commander, the barbarians separated from the Greeks. 2 Then the exiles along with the other Greeks elected Deinocrates general, and the Carthaginians gave the command to those who had been second in rank to Hamilcar.

About this time the Acragantines, seeing that the situation in Sicily was most favourable for an attempt, made a bid for the leader­ship of the whole island;  p225 3 for they believed that the Carthaginians would scarcely sustain the war against Agathocles; that Deinocrates was easy to conquer since he had collected an army of exiles; that the people of Syracuse, pinched by famine, would not even try to compete for the primacy; and, what was most important, that if they took the field to secure the independence of the cities, all would gladly answer the summons both through hatred for the barbarians and through the desire for self-government that is implanted in all men. 4 They therefore elected Xenodicus​48 as general, gave him an army suitable for the undertaking, and sent him forth to the war. He at once set out against Gela, was admitted at night by certain personal friends, and became master of the city together with its strong army and its wealth. 5 The people of Gela, having been thus freed, joined in his campaign very eagerly and unanimously, and set about freeing the cities. As news of the undertaking of the Acragantines spread throughout the whole island, an impulse toward liberty made itself manifest in the cities. And first the people of Enna sent to the Acragantines and delivered their city over to them; and when they had freed Enna, the Acragantines went on to Erbessus, although a garrison stationed there was keeping watch over the city. After a bitter battle had taken place in which the citizens aided the Acragantines, the garrison was captured and, although many of the barbarians fell, at least five hundred of them laid down their arms and surrendered.

32 1 While the Acragantines were thus engaged, some of the soldiers who had been left in Syracuse by  p227 Agathocles, after seizing Echetla,​49 plundered Leontini and Camarina. 2 Since the cities were suffering from the plundering of their fields and the destruction of all their crops, Xenodicus entered the region and freed the peoples of Leontini and Camarina from the war; and after taking Echetla, a walled town, by siege, he re-established democracy for its citizens and struck fear into the Syracusans; and, in general, as he advanced he liberated the strongholds and the cities from Carthaginian domination.

3 Meantime the Syracusans, hard pressed by famine and hearing that grain ships were about to make the voyage to Syracuse, manned twenty triremes and, watching the barbarians who were accustomed to lie at anchor off the harbour to catch them off guard, sailed out unseen and coasted along to Megara, where they waited for the approach of the traders. 4 Afterwards, however, when the Carthaginians sailed out against them with thirty ships, they first tried to fight at sea, but were quickly driven to land and leapt from their ships at a certain shrine of Hera. 5 Then a battle took place for the ships; and the Carthaginians, throwing grappling irons into the triremes and with great force dragging them off from the shore, captured ten​50 of them, but the others were saved by men who came to the rescue from the city.

And this was the condition of affairs in Sicily.

33 1 In Libya, when those who were carrying the head of Hamilcar had come into port, Agathocles took the head and, riding near the hostile camp to  p229 within hearing distance, showed it to the enemy and related to them the defeat of their expedition. 2 The Carthaginians, deeply grieved and prostrating themselves on the ground in barbarian fashion, regarded the death of the king as their own misfortune, and they fell into deep despair in regard to the whole war. But Agathocles, who was already elated by his successes in Libya, when such strokes of fortune were now added, was borne aloft by soaring hopes, thinking himself freed from all dangers. 3 Fortune notwithstanding did not permit success to remain long on the same side but brought the greatest danger to the prince from his own soldiers. For Lyciscus, one of those who had been placed in command, invited to dinner by Agathocles, became drunk and insulted the prince. 4 Now Agathocles, who valued the man for his services in the war, turned aside with a joke what had been said in bitterness; but his son, Archagathus,​51 becoming angry, censured and threatened Lyciscus. 5 When the drinking was concluded and the men were going away to their quarters, Lyciscus taunted Archagathus on the score of his adultery with his stepmother; for he was supposed to possess Alcia, for this was the woman's name, without his father's knowledge. 6 Archagathus, driven into an over­powering rage, seized a spear from one of the guard and thrust Lyciscus through his ribs. Now he died at once and was carried away to his own tent by those whose task it was; but at daybreak the friends of the murdered man came together, and many of the other soldiers hastened to join them, and all were indignant at what had happened and filled the camp with uproar. 7 Many, too, of those who  p231 had been placed in command, as they also were subject to accusation and feared for themselves, turned the crisis to their own advantage and kindled no inconsiderable sedition. When the whole army was full of indignation, the troops severally donned full armour to punish the murderer; and finally the mob made up its mind that Archagathus should be put to death, and that, if Agathocles did not surrender his son, he himself should pay the penalty in his place. 8 And they also kept demanding the pay that was due them, and they elected generals to lead the army; and finally some of them seized the walls of Tunis and surrounded the princes with guards on every side.

34 1 The Carthaginians, on learning of the discord among the enemy, sent men to them urging them to change sides, and promised to give them greater pay and noteworthy bonuses.​52 And indeed many of the leaders did agree to take the army over to them; 2 but Agathocles, seeing that his safety was in the balance and fearing that, if he should be delivered to the enemy, he would end his life amid insults, decided that it was better, if he had to suffer, to die at the hands of his own men. 3 Therefore, putting aside the purple and donning the humble garb of a private citizen, he came out into the middle of the crowd. Silence fell because his action was unexpected, and when a crowd had run together, he delivered a speech suitable to the critical situation. After recalling his earlier achievements, he said that he was ready to die if that should seem best for his fellow soldiers; 4 for never had he, constrained by  p233 cowardice, consented to endure any indignity through love of life. And declaring that they themselves were witnesses of this, he bared his sword as if to slay himself. When he was on the point of striking the blow, the army shouted bidding him to stop, and from every side came voices clearing him from the charges. 5 And when the crowd kept pressing him to resume his royal garb, he put on the dress of his rank, weeping and thanking the people, the crowd meanwhile acclaiming his restoration with a clash of arms. While the Carthaginians were waiting intently, expecting that the Greeks would very soon come over to them, Agathocles, not missing the opportunity, led his army against them. 6 The barbarians, believing that their opponents were deserting to them, had no idea at all of what had actually taken place; and when Agathocles had drawn near the enemy, he suddenly ordered the signal for battle to be given, fell upon them, and created great havoc. The Carthaginians, stunned by the sudden reversal, lost many of their soldiers and fled into their camp. 7 Thus Agathocles, after having fallen into the most extreme danger on account of his son, through his own excellence not only found a way out of his difficulties, but even defeated the enemy. Those, however, who were chiefly responsible for the sedition and any of the others who were hostile to the prince, more than two hundred in number, found the courage to desert to the Carthaginians.

Now that we have completed the account of events in Libya and Sicily,​53 we shall relate what took place in Italy.

 p235  35 1 When the Etruscans54 had taken the field against the city Sutrium, a Roman colony, the consuls, coming out to its aid with a strong army, defeated them in battle and drove them into their camp; 2 but the Samnites at this time, when the Roman army was far distant, were plundering with impunity those Iapyges who supported the Romans. The consuls, therefore, were forced to divide their armies; Fabius remained in Etruria, but Marcius, setting out against the Samnites, took the city Allifae by storm and freed from danger those of the allies who were being besieged. Fabius, however, while the Etruscans in great numbers were gathering against Sutrium, marched without the knowledge of the enemy through the country of their neighbours​55 into upper Etruria, which had not been plundered for a long time. 3 Falling upon it unexpectedly, he ravaged a large part of the country; and in a victory over those of the inhabitants who came against him, he slew many of them and took no small number of them alive as prisoners. 4 Thereafter, defeating the Etruscans in a second battle near the place called Perusia and destroying many of them, he overawed the nation since he was the first of the Romans to have invaded that region with an army. 5 He also made truces with the peoples of Arretium and Crotona,​56 likewise with those of Perusia; and, taking by siege the city called  p237 Castola,​57 he forced the Etruscans to raise the siege of Sutrium.

36 1 In Rome in this year censors were elected,​58 and one of them Appius Claudius, who had his colleague, Lucius Plautius, under his influence, changed many of the laws of the fathers; for since he was following a course of action pleasing to the people, he considered the Senate of no importance. In the first place he built the Appian Aqueduct, as it is called, from a distance of eighty stades​59 to Rome, and spent a large sum of public money for this construction without a decree of the Senate. 2 Next he paved with solid stone the greater part of the Appian Way, which was named for him, from Rome to Capua, the distance being more than a thousand stades.​60 And since he dug through elevated places and levelled with noteworthy fills the ravines and valleys, he expended the entire revenue of the state but left behind a deathless monument to himself, having been ambitious in the public interest. 3 He also mixed the Senate, enrolling not merely those who were of noble birth and superior rank as was the custom, but also including many sons of freedmen.​61 For this reason those were incensed with him who boasted of their nobility. 4 He also gave each citizen the right to be enrolled in whatever tribe  p239 he wished, and to be placed in the census class he preferred.​62 In short, seeing hatred toward himself treasured up by the most distinguished men, he avoided giving offence to any of the other citizens, securing as a counterpoise against the hostility of the nobles the goodwill of the many. 5 At the inspection of the equestrian order he deprived no man of his horse, and in drawing up the album of the Senate he removed no one of the unworthy Senators, which it was the custom of the censors to do. Then the consuls, because of their hatred for him and their desire to please the most distinguished men, called together the Senate, not as it had been listed by him but as it had been entered in the album by the preceding censors; 6 and the people in opposition to the nobles and in support of Appius, wishing also to establish firmly the promotion of their own class, elected to the more distinguished of the aedile­ships the son of a freedman, Gnaeus Flavius, who was the first Roman whose father had been a slave to gain that office.​63 When Appius had completed his term of office, as a precaution against the ill will of the Senate, he professed to be blind and remained in his house.64

37 1 When Charinus was archon at Athens, the Romans gave the consul­ship to Publius Decius and  p241 Quintus Fabius;​65 and in Elis the Olympian Games were celebrated for the one hundred and eighteenth time, at which celebration Apollonides of Tegea won the foot race. At this time,​66 while Ptolemy was sailing from Myndus with a strong fleet through the islands, he liberated Andros as he passed by and drove out the garrison. Moving on to the Isthmus, he took Sicyon and Corinth from Cratesipolis. Since the causes that explain her becoming ruler of famous cities were made clear in the preceding Book,​67 we shall refrain from again discussing the same subject. 2 Now Ptolemy planned to free the other Greek cities also, thinking that the goodwill of the Greeks would be a great gain for him in his own undertakings; but when the Peloponnesians, having agreed to contribute food and money, contributed nothing of what had been promised, the prince in anger made peace with Cassander, by the terms of which peace each prince was to remain master of the cities that he was holding; and after securing Sicyon and Corinth with a garrison, Ptolemy departed for Egypt.

3 Meanwhile Cleopatra quarrelled with Antigonus and, inclining to cast her lot with Ptolemy, she started from Sardis in order to cross over to him. She was the sister of Alexander the conqueror of Persia and daughter of Philip, son of Amyntas, and had been the wife of the Alexander who made an expedition  p243 into Italy.​68 4 Because of the distinction of her descent Cassander and Lysimachus, as well as Antigonus and Ptolemy and in general all the leaders who were most important after Alexander's death, sought her hand; for each of them, hoping that the Macedonians would follow the lead of this marriage, was seeking alliance with the royal house in order thus to gain supreme power for himself. 5 The governor of Sardis, who had orders from Antigonus to watch Cleopatra, prevented her departure; but later, as commanded by the prince, he treacherously brought about her death through the agency of certain women. 6 But Antigonus, not wishing the murder to be laid at his door, punished some of the women for having plotted against her, and took care that the funeral should be conducted in royal fashion. Thus Cleopatra, after having been the prize in a contest among the most eminent leaders, met this fate before her marriage was brought to pass.

7 Now that we have related the events of Asia and of Greece, we shall turn our narrative to the other parts of the inhabited world.69

38 1 In Libya,​70 when the Carthaginians had sent out an army to win over the Nomads who had deserted, Agathocles left his son Archagathus before Tunis with part of the army, but he himself, selecting the strongest men — eight thousand foot, eight hundred horse, and fifty Libyan chariots — followed after the enemy at full speed. 2 When the Carthaginians had  p245 come to the tribe of Nomads called the Zuphones, they won over many of the inhabitants and brought back some of the deserters to their former alliance, but on learning that the enemy were at hand, they camped on a certain hill, which was surrounded by streams that were deep and difficult to cross. 3 These they used as a protection against the unexpected attacks of their opponents, but they directed the fittest of the Nomads to follow the Greeks closely and by harassing them to prevent them from advancing. When these did as they had been directed, Agathocles sent against them his slingers and bowmen, but he himself with the rest of his army advanced against the camp of the enemy. 4 The Carthaginians on discovering his intention led their army out from their camp, drew it up, and took their positions ready for battle. But when they saw that Agathocles was already crossing the river, they attacked in formation, and at the stream, which was difficult to ford, they slew many of their opponents. 5 However, as Agathocles pressed forward, the Greeks were superior in valour, but the barbarians had the advantage of numbers. Then when the armies had been fighting gallantly for some time, the Nomads on both sides withdrew from the battle and awaited the outcome of the struggle, intending to plunder the baggage train of those who were defeated. 6 But Agathocles, who had his best men about him, first forced back those opposite to him, and by their rout he caused the rest of the barbarians to flee. Of the cavalry only  p247 the Greeks who, led by Clinon, were assisting the Carthaginians withstood Agathocles' heavy armed men as they advanced. Although they struggled brilliantly, most of these Greeks were slain while fighting gallantly, and those who survived were saved by mere chance.

39 1 Agathocles, giving up the pursuit of the cavalry, attacked the barbarians who had taken refuge in the camp; and, since he had to force his way over terrain steep and difficult of access, he suffered losses no less great than those he inflicted on the Carthaginians. Nevertheless, he did not slacken his zeal, but rather, made confident by his victory, pressed on, expecting to take the camp by storm. 2 At this the Nomads who were awaiting the outcome of the battle, not being able to fall on the baggage train of the Carthaginians since both armies were fighting near the camp, made an attack on the encampment of the Greeks, knowing that Agathocles had been drawn off to a great distance. Since the camp was without defenders capable of warding them off, they easily launched an attack, killing the few who resisted them and gaining possession of a large number of prisoners and of booty as well. 3 On hearing this Agathocles led his army back quickly and recovered some of the spoil, but most of it the Nomads kept in their possession, and as night came on they withdrew to a distance. 4 The prince, after setting up a trophy, divided the booty among the soldiers so that no one might complain about his losses; but the captured Greeks, who had been fighting for the Carthaginians, he put into a certain fortress. 5 Now these men, dreading punishment  p249 from the prince, attacked those in the fortress at night and, although defeated in the battle, occupied a strong position, being in number not less than a thousand, of whom above five hundred were Syracusans. 6 However, when Agathocles heard what had happened, he came with his army, induced them to leave their position under a truce, and slaughtered all those who had made the attack.

40 1 After he had finished this battle, Agathocles, examining in mind every device for bringing the Carthaginians into subjection, sent Orthon the Syracusan as an envoy into Cyrenê to Ophellas.​71 The latter was one of the companions who had made the campaign with Alexander; now, master of the cities of Cyrenê and of a strong army, he was ambitious for a greater realm. 2 And so it was to a man in this state of mind that there came the envoy from Agathocles inviting him to join him in subduing the Carthaginians.​72 In return for this service Orthon promised Ophellas that Agathocles would permit him to exercise dominion over Libya. 3 For, he said, Sicily was enough for Agathocles, if only it should be possible for him, relieved of danger from Carthage, to rule over all the island without fear. Moreover, Italy was close at his hand for increasing his realm if he should decide to reach after greater things. 4 For Libya, separated by a wide and dangerous sea, did not suit him at all, into which land he had even now come through no desire but because of necessity. 5 Ophellas, now that to his long-considered judgement  p251 was added this actual hope, gladly consented and sent to the Athenians an envoy to confer about an alliance, for Ophellas had married Euthydicê,​73 the daughter of a Miltiades who traced that name back to him who had commanded the victorious troops at Marathon. 6 On account of this marriage and the other marks of favour which he had habitually displayed toward their city, a good many of the Athenians eagerly enlisted for the campaign. No small number also of the other Greeks were quick to join in the undertaking whence they hoped to portion out for colonization the most fertile part of Libya and to plunder the wealth of Carthage. 7 For conditions throughout Greece on account of the continuous wars and the mutual rivalries of the princes had become unstable and straitened, and they expected not only to gain many advantages, but also to rid themselves of their present evils.

41 1 And so Ophellas, when everything for his campaign had been prepared magnificently, set out with his army, having more than ten thousand foot-soldiers, six hundred horsemen, a hundred chariots, and more than three hundred charioteers and men to fight beside them. There followed also of those who are termed non-combatants not less than ten thousand; and many of these brought their children and wives and other possessions, so that the army was like a colonizing expedition. 2 When they had marched for eighteen days and had traversed three thousand stades,​74 they encamped at Automala;​75 thence as  p253 they advanced there was a mountain, precipitous on both sides but with a deep ravine in the centre, from which extended a smooth rock that rose up to a lofty peak. 3 At the base of this rock was a large cave thickly covered with ivy and bryony, in which according to myth had been born Lamia, a queen of surpassing beauty.​76 But on account of the savagery of her heart they say that the time that has elapsed since has transformed her face to a bestial aspect. For when all the children born to her had died,​77 weighed down in her misfortune and envying the happiness of all other women in their children, she ordered that the new-born babes be snatched from their mothers' arms and straightway slain. 4 Wherefore among us even down to the present generation, the story of this woman remains among the children and her name is most terrifying to them.​78 5 But whenever she drank freely, she gave to all the opportunity to do what they pleased unobserved. Therefore, since she did not trouble herself about what was taking place at such times, the people of the land assumed that she could not see. And for that reason some tell in the myth that she threw her eyes into a flask,​79 metaphorically turning the carelessness that is most complete amid wine into the aforesaid measure, since it was a measure of wine that took away her sight. 6 One might also present Euripides  p255 as a witness that she was born in Libya, for he says: "Who does not know the name of Lamia, Libyan in race, a name of greatest reproach among mortals?"80

42 1 Now Ophellas with his army was advancing with great difficulty through a waterless land filled with savage creatures; for not only did he lack water, but since dry food also gave out, he was in danger of losing his entire army. 2 Fanged monsters of all kinds infest the desert near the Syrtis, and the bite of most of these is fatal; therefore it was a great disaster into which they were fallen since they were not helped by remedies supplied by physicians and friends. For some of the serpents, since they had a skin very like in appearance to the ground that was beneath them, made their own forms invisible; and many of the men, treading upon these in ignorance, received bites that were fatal. Finally, after suffering great hardships on the march for more than two months, they with difficulty completed the journey to Agathocles and encamped, keeping the two forces a short distance apart.

3 The Carthaginians, on hearing of their presence, were panic stricken, seeing that so great a force had arrived against them; but Agathocles, going to meet Ophellas and generously furnishing all needed supplies, begged him to relieve his army from its distress.​81 He himself remained for some days and carefully observed all that was being done in the camp of the  p257 new arrivals. When the larger part of the soldiers had scattered to find fodder and food, and when he saw that Ophellas had no suspicion of what he himself had planned, he summoned an assembly of his own soldiers and, after accusing the man who had come to join the alliance as if he were plotting against himself and thus rousing the anger of his men, straightway led his army in full array against the Cyreneans. 4 Then Ophellas, stunned by this unexpected action, attempted to defend himself; but, pressed for time, the forces that he had remaining in camp not being adequate, he died fighting. 5 Agathocles forced the rest of the army to lay down its arms, and by winning them all over with generous promises, he became master of the whole army. Thus Ophellas, who had cherished great hopes and had rashly entrusted himself to another, met an end so inglorious.82

43 1 In Carthage Bormilcar, who had long planned to make an attempt at tyranny, was seeking a proper occasion for his private schemes. Time and again when circumstances put him in a position to carry out what he had planned, some little cause intervened to thwart him.​83 For those who are about to undertake lawless and important enterprises are superstitious and always choose delay rather than action, and postponement rather than accomplishment. This happened also on this occasion and in regard to this man;  p259 2 for he sent out the most distinguished of the citizens to the campaign against the Nomads so that he might have no man of consequence to oppose him, but he did not venture to make an open bid for the tyranny, being held back by caution. 3 But it happened that at the time when Agathocles attacked Ophellas, Bormilcar made his effort to gain the tyranny, each of the two being ignorant of what the enemy was doing. 4 Agathocles did not know of the attempt at tyranny and of the confusion in the city when he might easily have become master of Carthage, for when Bormilcar was discovered in the act he would have preferred to co-operate with Agathocles rather than pay the penalty in his own person to the citizens. And again, the Carthaginians had not heard of Agathocles' attack, for they might easily have over­powered him with the aid of the army of Ophellas. 5 But I suppose that not without reason did such ignorance prevail on both sides, although the actions were on a large scale and those who had undertaken deeds of such daring were near each other. 6 For Agathocles, when about to kill a man who was his friend, paid attention to nothing that was happening among his enemies; and Bormilcar, when depriving his fatherland of its liberty, did not concern himself at all with events in the camp of the enemy, since he had as a fixed purpose in his mind to conquer at the time, not his enemies, but his fellow citizens.

7 At this point one might censure the art of history, when he observes that in life many different actions are consummated at the same time, but that it is necessary for those who record them to interrupt the  p261 narrative and to parcel out different times to simultaneous events contrary to nature, with the result that, although the actual experience of the events contains the truth, yet the written record, deprived of such power, while presenting copies of the events, falls far short of arranging them as they really were.

44 1 Be that as it may, when Bormilcar had reviewed the soldiers in what was called the New City, which is a short distance from Old Carthage, he dismissed the rest, but holding those who were his confederates in the plot, five hundred citizens and about a thousand mercenaries, he declared himself tyrant. 2 Dividing his soldiers into five bands, he attacked, slaughtering those who opposed him in the streets. Since an extraordinary tumult broke out everywhere in the city, the Carthaginians at first supposed that the enemy had made his way in and that the city was being betrayed; when, however, the true situation became known, the young men ran together, formed companies, and advanced against the tyrant. 3 But Bormilcar, killing those in the streets, moved swiftly in the market place; and finding there many of the citizens unarmed, he slaughtered them. 4 The Carthaginians, however, after occupying the buildings about the market place, which were tall, hurled missiles thick and fast, and the participants in the uprising began to be struck down since the whole place was within range. 5 Therefore, since they were suffering severely, they closed ranks and forced their way out through the narrow streets into the New City, being continuously struck with missiles from  p263 whatever houses they chanced at any time to be near. After these had occupied a certain elevation, the Carthaginians, now that all the citizens had assembled in arms, drew up their forces against those who had taken part in the uprising. 6 Finally, sending as envoys such of the oldest men as were qualified and offering amnesty, they came to terms. Against the rest they invoked no penalty on account of the dangers that surrounded the city, but they cruelly tortured Bormilcar himself and put him to death, paying no heed to the oaths which had been given. In this way, then, the Carthaginians, after having been in the gravest danger, preserved the constitution of their fathers.

7 Agathocles, loading cargo vessels with his spoil and embarking on them those of the men who had come from Cyrenê who were useless for war, sent them to Syracuse. But storms arose, and some of the ships were destroyed, some were driven to the Pithecusan Islands off the coast of Italy, and a few came safe to Syracuse.84

8 In Italy​85 the Roman consuls, going to the aid of the Marsi, against whom the Samnites were making war, were victorious in the battle and slew many of the enemy. 9 Then, crossing the territory of the Umbrians, they invaded Etruria, which was hostile, and took by siege the fortress called Caerium.​86 When the people of the region sent envoys to ask a truce, the consuls made a truce for forty years with the tarquinians but with all the other Etruscans for one year.87

The Loeb Editor's Notes:

1 Continued from Book 19.105.4.

2 Cp. Justin, 15.2.1. One of Audoleon's daughters married Pyrrhus of Epirus (Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 9).

3 A strong Illyrian people living in the Dalmatian mountains.

4 On the border between Thrace and Macedonia.

5 A nephew of Antigonus, cp. Book 19.57.4.

6 But we find that two years earlier another nephew, Telesphorus, had revolted because he thought that Ptolemaeus was being too highly honoured, Book 19.87.1.

7 Probably the former follower and friend of Eumenes, Book 18.40.2.

8 Cp. Book 19.105.1.

9 Polyperchon seems to have remained inactive in the Peloponnesus from 315 B.C. (Book 19.64.1; 74.2) down to this time.

10 This Barsinê was the daughter of Artabazus, a Persian follower of Darius (Plutarch, Alexander, 21.4; Justin, 11.10.2; 13.2.7), and must be distinguished from the daughter of Darius whom Alexander married at Susa in 324 B.C., who is called Barsinê by Arrian (7.4.4) but Stateira by our other sources (Book 17.107.6; Plutarch, Alexander, 70.2; Justin, 12.10.9).

11 It is probable that he was not a son of Alexander but a pretender sponsored by Antigonus, cp. Tarn, Journal of Hellenic Studies, 14 (1921), 18 ff.

12 Justin, 15.2.3, gives the age as fifteen years.

13 Continued in chap. 28.1.

14 Nicocreon of Salamis (Book 19.59.1; 62.5; 79.5) is not identical with Nicocles of Paphos since Arrian (FGrH, 156 F 10.6) clearly distinguishes them; but it seems certain that in this passage Diodorus has confused them, and that the fate described is that of the former (Parian Marble for 311/10 B.C., FGrH, 239 B 17).

15 A brother of Ptolemy, cp. Book 19.62.4.

16 One of the streams flowing into the Maeotic Lake (the Sea of Azov). The name is also given as Thapsis and Psathis.

17 A strong Sarmatian people living between Lake Maeotis and the Caucasus Mountains (but cp. the critical note).

The critical note to the Greek text (Ἀριφάρνης ὁ τῶν Σιρακῶν βασιλεύς) reads:

Σιρακῶν Mueller: Θρᾳκῶν.

18 i.e. the capital city of King Aripharnes.

19 Probably the same as the city called Gerousa by Ptolemy, Geography, 5.8.2.

20 Or, reading πορθμοῦ: "through the straits."

21 Probably the isthmus to the east of the Cimmerian Bosporus, separating the Maeotic Lake from the Euxine.

22 Probably the modern Taman on the isthmus just referred to.

23 King Agarus is otherwise unknown, but Appian, Mithridatic War, 88, mentions a Scythian people called the Agari.

24 In 313 B.C. Lysimachus had begun a siege of Callantia concerning the outcome of which we have no information. Cp. Book 19.73.

25 The name is very doubtful. Cp. the critical note.

The critical note to the Greek text (τὴν ὀνομαζομένην Ψοανκαητικὴν χώραν) reads:

Ψοανκαητικὴν Madvig, approved by Fischer in apparatus: Ψόαν καὶ τὴν.

26 Or possibly, "in the hoop that supported the canopy," cp. chap. 26.2.

27 The word μῦς is found in medical writers with the meaning "muscle." Cp. the Latin musculus, literally "little mouse."

28 Literally, "the house that moves itself," or "the house that is moved."

29 The campaign that follows is not mentioned in other sources and the places named are all unknown. The narrative is continued from Book 19.105.5.

30 Continued in chap. 35.1.

31 Demetrius was archon in 309/8 B.C. In the Fasti the consuls for 310 B.C. are Q. Fabius Maximus Rullianus for the second time and C. Marcius Rutilus, who was later called Censorinus. Cp. Livy, 9.33. The narrative is continued from chap. 21.

32 Both Phaselis and Xanthus are in Lycia, the former on the east, the latter on the west coast of the promontory. Caunus is in Caria.

33 Cp. chap. 19.2.

34 Cp. chap. 20, and note.

35 A region of Epirus, also called Tymphaeum.

36 For further details of the murder cp. Plutarch, De falsa pudicitia, 4 (p530); Justin, 15.2.3. According to Justin, 15.1.1, Polyperchon was already dead at the time of the murder.

37 The winter of 309/8 B.C. Henceforth Polyperchon plays a very minor part; in 303 B.C. he is mentioned as a supporter of Cassander (chap. 103.6‑7).

38 The settlers came from the city of Cardia, which had been destroyed by Lysimachus (Pausanias, 1.9.8).

39 In Book 15.60.4 (370 B.C.) we are wrongly told that the reign lasted for 34 years.

40 The translation follows the reading suggested in the critical note.

The critical note to the Greek text (τὴν δὲ βασιλείαν διαδεξάμενος ὁ Ἀρεὺς . . . υἱὸς) reads:

ὁ Ἀρέτα υἱὸς RX, ὁ Ἀρέου υἱὸς F. Post suggests the loss of a line, e.g., ὁ Ἀρεὺς <υἱωνὸς ὢν Κλεωμένους, Ἀκροτάτου δὲ> υἱὸς, cp. Plutarch, Agis, 3.

41 Continued from chap. 18.3.

42 South of the city on the shore of the Great Harbour, near the mouth of the Anapus River.

43 The narrow entrance at the west end of the plateau, Epipolae, which lies above the city on the west and over­looks the valley of the Anapus River.

44 A Syracusan exile, cp. Book 19.8.6.

45 In spite of the picturesque details that follow, the fighting probably took place in the Anapus Valley, west and south of Euryelus and Epipolae (Beloch, Griechische Geschichte2, 4.2.192).

46 Cp. Book 19.108‑109.

47 Cp. Book 17.86.1; 20.67.4; Thucydides, 3.30; Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, 1116 B7; Cicero, Letters to Atticus, 5.20.3. In most of these passages the MSS. are divided between κενά (empty) and καινά (strange); and Tyrrell and Purser on the last passage suggest κοινά (common to all).

48 Called Xenodocus in chaps. 56.2; 62.2.

49 This town is not definitely identified. Polybius, 1.15.10, mentions it as on the frontier between Syracusan and Carthaginian territory at the time of Hieron II.

50 In the table of contents the number is given as twenty.

51 For the form of this name cp. chap. 11.1, and note.

52 Most of Agathocles' soldiers were mercenaries, cp. chaps. 11.1; 33.8.

53 Continued in chap. 38.1.

54 Continued from chap. 26.4. For this campaign cp. Livy, 9.35‑40.

55 Or, reading Ὀμβρικῶν: "through the country of the Umbrians."

56 The Etruscan city, called Cortona by Livy, 9.37.12, and by Latin writers generally, but Κρότων by the Greeks except Polybius, 3.82.9, who has Κυρτώνιον.

57 Castola is unknown. Faesulae, Carsula, and Clusium have been suggested in its place.

58 Livy, 9.29.5, places the beginning of this censor­ship in the consul­ship of M. Valerius and P. Decius, i.e. 311 B.C. according to Diodorus, 312 B.C. according to the conventional Roman system; and in 9.33‑34 he has Appius retain the office contrary to law into the present year, 309 or 310 B.C.

59 About 9 miles.

60 About 115 miles.

61 Or, adding τοῦ πλήθους after πολλούς: "adding many of the plebeians and sons of freedmen." Cp. Livy, 9.46.10‑11.

62 Cp. Livy, 9.46.10‑11. Dindorf, followed by Mommsen (Römische Forschungen, 1.307), omits "to be enrolled in whatever tribe he wished, and."

63 For the aedile­ship of Flavius cp. Livy, 9.46, where it is placed five years later.

64 Continued in chap. 44.8.

65 Charinus was archon in 308/7 B.C. In the Fasti the year 309 B.C. is a "dictator year" with L. Papirius Cursor as dictator as C. Junius Bubulcus Brutus as his master-of‑horse. No consuls are given. For these dictator years, probably invented to accommodate two systems of chronology, cp. Introduction to Vol. IX and H. Stuart Jones in Cambridge Ancient History, 7.321. This fictitious year is omitted by both Livy and Diodorus, and from this point on the Varronian chronology and that of Diodorus agree. The consuls for 308 B.C. are given in the Fasti as P. Decius Mus for the second time and Q. Fabius Maximus Rullianus for the third, cp. Livy, 9.40, 41.

66 Continued from chap. 27.3.

67 Cp. Book 19.67.1.

68 For the marriage of Cleopatra and Alexander, at which Philip was murdered, cp. Book 16.91‑94. After the death of Alexander of Epirus in 326 B.C., Cleopatra married Leonnatus (Plutarch, Eumenes, 3.5), and on his death in 322 B.C., she took as her third husband Perdiccas (Arrian, FGrH, 156.9.26), who died in 321 B.C.

69 Continued in chap. 45.1.

70 Continued from chap. 34.7.

71 In 322 B.C. Ophellas as general of Ptolemy restored the oligarchy in Cyrenê, which had been threatened by the mercenary leader Thibron in the service of the democrats (Book 18.19‑21). He seems to have remained in Cyrenê as Ptolemy's governor, although he is not mentioned in connection with the insurrection there put down by Ptolemy in 312 B.C. (Book 19.79.1‑3).

72 According to Justin, 22.7.4, Ophellas rather than Agathocles first proposed the alliance.

73 After Ophellas' death she returned to Athens and became a wife of Demetrius Poliorcetes (Plutarch, Demetrius, 14.1).

74 About 345 miles.

75 At the extreme western limit of Cyrenê, at the most southern point of the Greater Syrtis (Strabo, 2.5.20).

76 The myth is also preserved in the scholia on Aristophanes, Peace, 758, and Wasps, 1035. In the latter place credit is given to Duris (FGrH, 76 F 17), whom Diodorus is probably following here.

77 This was because of the jealous wrath of Hera, the father of the children being Zeus.

78 Strabo, 1.2.8, lists this myth among those used to frighten children. Cp. Horace, Art of Poetry, 340.

79 Plutarch, On Curiosity, 2 (p516), says that she took her eyes out of her head when she wished to rest at home and replaced them when she went abroad.

80 The play from which this fragment comes is not known. Cp. Nauck, Trag. Gr. Frag., Euripides, 922.

81 According to Justin, 22.7.5, Agathocles went so far in showing his friendship as to have Ophellas adopt one of his sons.

82 The whole account, with its emphasis on the treachery of Agathocles, is probably drawn from Duris, as a part of it quite certainly is (cp. note on chap. 41.3).

83 For chaps. 43‑44 cp. Justin, 22.7.6‑11, who says that Bormilcar, after Agathocles had inflicted severe losses on the Carthaginians, wished to go over to Agathocles with his army, was prevented by a sedition in the Sicilian camp, and was put to death by his fellow citizens.

84 Continued in chap. 54.1.

85 Continued from chap. 36.6. Cp. Livy, 9.41.5‑7.

86 Unknown. Caprium in Table of Contents, p138, and in var. lect. here.

Thayer's Note: A curious slip on the editor's part; Caere (now Cerveteri) was one of the largest cities of Etruria, and is still famous for its extensive remains. In his Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, George Dennis devotes an entire long chapter to the place (Ch. 33).

87 Continued in chap. 80.1.

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