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This webpage reproduces a section of
The Fragments


(Loeb Classical Library edition, 1940)

The text is in the public domain.

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and I believe it to be free of errors.
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As elsewhere onsite, where hieroglyphs are bracketed {☥𓅱𓋴}, they are my additions to the original text.

 p67  Book II

Dynasty XII

Fr. 34 (from Syncellus). According to Africanus.

From the Second Book of Manetho.

The Twelfth Dynasty​1 consisted of seven kings of Diospolis.

1. Sesonchosis, son of Ammanemês, for 46 years.

2. Ammanemês, for 38 years: he was murdered by his own eunuchs.​2

3. Sesôstris, for 48 years: in nine years he subdued the whole of Asia, and Europe as far as Thrace, everywhere erecting memorials of  p69 his conquest of the tribes.​3 Upon stelae [pillars] he engraved for a valiant race the secret parts of a man, for an ignoble race those of a woman.​4 Accordingly he was esteemed by the Egyptians as the next in rank to Osiris.

4. Lacharês (Lamarês),​5 for 8 years: he built the Labyrinth​6 in the Arsinoïte nome as his own tomb.

5. Amerês, for 8 years.

6. Ammenemês, for 8 years.

7. Scemiophris, his sister, for 4 years.

Total, 160 years.

Fr. 35 (from Syncellus). According to Eusebius.

From the Second Book of Manetho.

The twelfth Dynasty consisted of seven kings of Diospolis. The first of these, Sesonchosis, son of Ammenemês, reigned for 46 years.

 p71  1. Ammanemês, for 38 years: he was murdered by his own eunuchs.

2. Sesôstris, for 48 years: he is said to have been 4 cubits 3 palms 2 fingers' breadths in stature. In nine years he subdued the whole of Asia, and Europe as far as Thrace, everywhere erecting memorials of his conquest of the tribes. Upon stelae [pillars] he engraved for a valiant race the secret parts of a man, for an ignoble race those of a woman. Accordingly he was esteemed by the Egyptians as the next in rank to Osiris.

Next to him Lamaris reigned for 8 years: he built the Labyrinth in the Arsinoïte nome as his own tomb.

His successors ruled for 42 years, and the reigns of the whole dynasty amounted to 245 years.7

Fr. 36. Armenian Version of Eusebius.

From the Second Book of Manetho.

The Twelfth Dynasty consisted of seven kings of Diospolis. The first of these, Sesonchosis, son of Ammenemês, reigned for 46 years.

2. Ammenemês, for 38 years; he was murdered by his own eunuchs.

3. Sesôstris, for 48 years: he is said to have been 4 cubits 3 palms 2 fingers' breadths in  p73 stature. In nine years he subdued the whole of Asia, and Europe as far as Thrace. Everywhere he set up memorials of his subjugation of each tribe: among valiant races he engraved upon pillars a man's secret parts, among unwarlike races a woman's, as a sign of disgrace.​8 Wherefore he was honoured by the Egyptians next to Osiris.

His successor, Lampares, reigned for 8 years: in the Arsinoïte nome he built the many-chambered9 Labyrinth as his own tomb.

The succeeding kings ruled for 42 years.

Total for the whole dynasty, 245 years.

Dynasty XIII

Fr. 38º (from Syncellus). According to Africanus.

The Thirteenth Dynasty​10 consisted of sixty kings of Diospolis, who reigned for 453 years.

Fr. 39 (a) (from Syncellus). According to Eusebius.

The Thirteenth Dynasty consisted of sixty kings of Diospolis, who reigned for 453 years.

 p75  (b) Armenian Version of Eusebius.

The Thirteenth Dynasty consisted of sixty kings of Diospolis, who reigned for 453 years.

Dynasty XIV

Fr. 41 (a)º (from Syncellus). According to Africanus.

The Fourteenth Dynasty​11 consisted of seventy‑six kings of Xoïs, who reigned for 184 years.

(b) According to Eusebius.

The Fourteenth Dynasty consisted of seventy‑six kings of Xoïs, who reigned for 184 years, — in another copy, 484 years.

(c) Armenian Version of Eusebius.

The Fourteenth Dynasty consisted of seventy‑six kings of Xoïs, who reigned for 484 years.

 p77  The Hyksôs Age, c. 1700-c. 1580 B.C.12

Fr. 42 (from Josephus, Contra Apionem, I.14, §§ 73‑92).

[Josephus is citing the records of neighbouring nations in proof of the antiquity of the Jews.]

73 I will begin with Egyptian documents. These I cannot indeed set before you in their ancient form; but in Manetho we have a native Egyptian who which was manifestly imbued with Greek culture. He wrote in Greek the history of his nation, translated, as he himself tells us, from sacred tablets;​13 and on many  p79 points of Egyptian history he convicts Herodotus​14 of having erred through ignorance. 74 In the second book of his History of Egypt, this writer Manetho speaks of us as follows. I shall quote his own words, just as if I had brought forward the man himself as a witness:15

75 "Tutimaeus.​16 In his reign, for what cause I know not, a blast of God smote us; and unexpectedly, from the regions of the East, invaders of obscure race marched in confidence of victory against our land. By main force they easily seized it without striking a blow;​17 76 and having over­powered the rulers of the land, they then burned our cities ruthlessly, razed to the ground the temples of the gods, and treated all the natives with a cruel hostility, massacring some and leading into slavery the wives and children of others. 77 Finally, they appointed as king one of their number whose name was  p81 Salitis.​18 He had his seat at Memphis, levying tribute from Upper and Lower Egypt, and always leaving garrisons behind in the most advantageous positions. Above all, he fortified the district to the east, foreseeing that the Assyrians,​19 as they grew stronger, would one day covet and attack his kingdom.

78 "In the Saïte [Sethroïte] nome​20 he found a city very favourably situated on the east of the Bubastite branch​21 of the Nile, and called Auaris​22 after an  p83 ancient religious tradition.​23 This place he rebuilt and fortified with massive walls, planting there a garrison of as many as 240,000 heavy-armed men to guard his frontier. 79 Here he would come in summer-time, partly to serve out rations and pay his troops, partly to train them carefully in manoeuvres and so strike terror into foreign tribes. 80 After reigning for 19 years, Salitis died; and a second king, named Bnôn,​24 succeeded and reigned for 44 years. Next to him came Apachnan, who ruled for 36 years and 7 months;​25 then Apôphis for 61, and Iannas for 50 years and 1 month; 81 then finally Assis for 49 years and 2 months. These six kings, their first rulers, were ever more and more eager to extirpate the Egyptian stock. 82 Their race as a whole was called  p85 Hyksôs,​26 that is 'king-shepherds': for hyk in the sacred language means 'king', and sôs in common speech is 'shepherd' or 'shepherds';​27 hence the compound word 'Hyksôs'. Some say that they were Arabs."​28

83 In another copy​29 the expression hyk, it is said, does not mean "kings": on the contrary, the compound refers to "captive-shepherds".​30 In Egyptian hyk, in fact, and hak when aspirated expressly denote "captives".​31 This explanation seems to me the more convincing and more in keeping with ancient history.

84 These kings whom I have enumerated above, and their descendants, ruling over the so‑called Shepherds, dominated Egypt, according to Manetho, for 511  p87 years.​32 85 Thereafter, he says, there came a revolt of the kings of the Thebaïd and the rest of Egypt against the Shepherds, and a fierce and prolonged war broke out between them. 86 By a king whose name was Misphragmuthôsis,​33 the Shepherds, he says, were defeated, driven out of all the rest of Egypt, and confined in a region measuring within its circumference 10,000 arûrae,​34 by name Auaris. 87 According to Manetho, the Shepherds enclosed this whole area with a high, strong wall, in order to safeguard all their possessions and spoils. 88 Thummôsis, the son of Misphragmuthôsis (he continues), attempted by siege to force them to surrender, blockading the fortress with an army of 480,000 men. Finally, giving up the siege in despair, he concluded  p89 a treaty by which they should all depart from Egypt and go unmolested where they pleased. 89 On these terms the Shepherds, with their possessions and households complete, no fewer than 240,000 persons,​35 left Egypt and journeyed over the desert into Syria. 90 There, dreading the power of the Assyrians who were at that time masters of Asia, they built in the land now called Judaea a city large enough to hold all those thousands of people, and gave it the name of Jerusalem.36

91 In another book​37 of his History of Egypt Manetho says that this race of so‑called Shepherds is, in the sacred books of Egypt, described as "captives"; and his statement is correct. With our remotest ancestors, indeed, it was a hereditary custom to feed sheep; and as they lived a nomadic life, they were called Shepherds.​38 92 On the other hand, in the Egyptian records they were not unreasonably styled Captives, since our ancestor Joseph told the king of Egypt​39 that he was a captive, and later, with the  p91 king's consent, summoned his brethren to Egypt. But I shall investigate this subject more fully in another place.40

Dynasty XV

Fr. 43 (from Syncellus). According to Africanus.41

The Fifteenth Dynasty consisted of Shepherd Kings. There were six foreign kings from Phoenicia,​42 who seized Memphis: in the Sethroïte nome they founded a town, from which base they subdued Egypt.

The first of these kings, Saïtês, reigned for 19 years: the Saïte nome​43 is called after him.

2. Bnôn, for 44 years.

3. Pachnan [Apachnan], for 61 years.

4. Staan,​44 for 50 years.

5. Archlês,​45 for 49 years.

6. Aphôphis,​46 (Aphobis), for 61 years.

Total, 284 years.

 p93  Fr. 44 (a) (from Syncellus). According to Eusebius.

The Fifteenth Dynasty consisted of kings of Diospolis, who reigned for 250 years.

(b) Armenian Version of Eusebius.

The Fifteenth Dynasty consisted of kings of Diospolis, who reigned for 250 years.

Dynasty XVI

Fr. 45 (from Syncellus). According to Africanus.

The Sixteenth Dynasty were Shepherd Kings again, 32 in number: they reigned for 518 years.47

Fr. 46 (a) (from Syncellus). According to Eusebius.

The Sixteenth Dynasty were kings of Thebes, 5 in number: they reigned for 190 years.

(b) Armenian Version of Eusebius.

The Sixteenth Dynasty were kings of Thebes, 5 in number: they reigned for 190 years.

 p95  Dynasty XVII

Fr. 47 (from Syncellus). According to Africanus.

The Seventeenth Dynasty​48 were Shepherd Kings again, 43 in number, and kings of Thebes or Diospolis, 43 in number.

Total of the reigns of the Shepherd Kings and the Theban kings, 151 years.49

Fr. 48 (a) (from Syncellus). According to Eusebius.

The Seventeenth Dynasty were Shepherds and brothers:​50 they were foreign kings from Phoenicia, who seized Memphis.

The first of these kings, Saïtês, reigned for 19 years: the Saïte nome​51 is called after him. These kings founded in the Sethroïte nome a town, from which as a base they subdued Egypt.

 p97  2. Bnôn, for 40 years.

3. Aphôphis, for 14 years.

After him Archlês reigned for 30 years.

Total, 103 years.

It was in their time that Joseph was appointed king of Egypt.

(b) Armenian Version of Eusebius.

The Seventeenth Dynasty consisted of Shepherds, who were brothers​52 from Phoenicia and foreign kings: they seized Memphis. The first of these kings, Saïtês, reigned for 19 years: from him, too, the Saïte nome​53 derived its name. These kings founded in the Sethroïte nome a town from which they made a raid and subdued Egypt.

The second king was Bnon, for 40 years.

Next, Archlês, for 30 years.

Aphophis, for 14 years.

Total, 103 years.

It was in their time that Joseph appears to have ruled in Egypt.54

 p99  Fr. 49 (from the Scholia to Plato).

Saïtic, of Saïs. From the Aegyptiaca of Manetho. The Seventeenth Dynasty consisted of Shepherds: they were brothers​55 from Phoenicia, foreign kings, who seized Memphis. The first of these kings, Saïtês, reigned for 19 years: the Saïte nome​56 is called after him. These kings founded in the Sethroïte nome a town, from which as a base they subdued Egypt.

The second of these kings, Bnôn, reigned for 40 years; the third, Archaês, for 30 years; and the fourth, Aphôphis, for 14 years. Total, 103 years.

Saïtês added 12 hours to the month, to make its length 30 days; and he added 6 days to the year, which thus comprised 365 days.57

 p101  Dynasties, XVIII,​58 XIX

Fr. 50 (from Josephus, Contra Apionem, I.15, 16, §§ 93‑105) — (continued from Fr. 42).

93 For the present I am citing the Egyptians as witnesses to this antiquity of ours. I shall therefore resume my quotations from Manetho's works in their reference to chronology. His account is as follows: 94 "After the departure of the tribe of the Shepherds from Egypt to Jerusalem, Tethmôsis,​59 the king who drove them out of Egypt, reigned for 25 years 4 months until his death, when he was succeeded by his son Chebrôn, who ruled for 13 years. 95 After him Amenôphis reigned for 20 years 7 months; then his sister Amessis for 21 years 9 months; then her son Mêphrês for 12 years 9 months; then his son Mêphramuthôsis for 25 years 10 months; 96 then his son Thmôsis for 9 years 8 months; then his son Amenôphis  p103 for 30 years 10 months;​60 then his son Ôrus for 36 years 5 months; then his daughter Acenchêrês for 12 years 1 month; then her brother Rathôtis for 9 years; 97 then his son Acenchêrês for 12 years 5 months, his son Acenchêrês II for 12 years 3 months, his son Harmaïs for 4 years 1 month, his son Ramessês for 1 year 4 months, his son Harmessês Miamûn​61 for 66 years 2 months, his son Amenôphis for 19 years 6 months, 98 and his son Sethôs, also called Ramessês,​62 whose power lay in his cavalry and his fleet. This king appointed his brother Harmaïs viceroy of Egypt, and invested him with all the royal prerogatives, except that he charged him not to wear a diadem, nor to wrong the queen, the mother of his children, and to refrain likewise from the royal concubines. 99 He then set out on an expedition against Cyprus and Phoenicia and later against the Assyrians and the  p105 Medes; and he subjugated them all, some by the sword, others without a blow and merely by the menace of his mighty host. In the pride of his conquests, he continued his advance with still greater boldness, and subdued the cities and lands of the East. 100 When a considerable time had elapsed, Harmaïs who had been left behind in Egypt, recklessly contravened all his brother's injunctions. He outraged the queen and proceeded to make free with the concubines; then, following the advice of his friends, he began to wear a diadem and rose in revolt against his brother. 101 The warden of the priests of Egypt​63 then wrote a letter which he sent to Sethôsis, revealing all the details, including the revolt of his brother Harmaïs. Sethôsis forthwith returned to Pêlusium​64 and took possession of his kingdom;​65 102 and the land was named Aegyptus after him. It is said that Sethôs was called Aegyptus, and his brother Harmaïs, Danaus."66

 p107  103 Such is Manetho's account; and, if the time is reckoned according to the years mentioned, it is clear that the so‑called Shepherds, our ancestors, quitted Egypt and settled in our land 393 years​67 before the coming of Danaus to Argos. Yet the Argives regard Danaus as belonging to a remote antiquity.​68 104 Thus Manetho has given us evidence from Egyptian records upon two very important points: first, upon our coming to Egypt from elsewhere; and secondly, upon our departure from Egypt at a date so remote that it preceded the Trojan war​69 by wellnigh a thousand years.​70 105 As for the additions which Manetho has made, not from the Egyptian records, but, as he has himself admitted, from anonymous legendary tales,​71 I shall later refute them in detail, and show the improbability of his lying stories.

Fr. 51​72 (from Theophilus, Ad Autolyc. III.19).

Moses was the leader of the Jews, as I have already said, when they had been expelled from Egypt by  p109 King Pharaôh whose name was Tethmôsis. After the expulsion of the people, this king, it is said, reigned for 25 years 4 months, according to Manetho's reckoning.

After him, Chebrôn ruled for 13 years.

After him, Amenôphis, for 20 years 7 months.

After him, his sister Amessê, for 21 years 1 month [9 months in Josephus]

After her, Mêphrês, for 12 years 9 months.

After him, Mêphrammuthôsis, for 20 years [25 years in Josephus] 10 months.

After him, Tuthmôsês, for 9 years 8 months.

After him, Amenôphis, for 30 years 10 months.

After him, Ôrus, for 36 years 5 months.

Next, his daughter [Acenchêrês] reigned for 12 years 1 month.

After her, [Rathôtis, for 9 years.

After him, Acenchêrês, for 12 years 5 months.

After him, Ac]enchêrês [II], for 12 years 3 months.

His son Harmaïs, for 4 years 1 month.

After him, Ramessês for 1 year and 4 months.

After him, Ramessês Miammû(n), for 66 years 2 months.

 p111  After him, Amenôphis, for 19 years 6 months.

Then, his son Sethôs, also called Ramessês, for 10 years. He is said to have possessed a large force of cavalry and an organized fleet.

Dynasty XVIII

Fr. 52 (from Syncellus). According to Africanus.

The Eighteenth Dynasty​73 consisted of 16 kings of Diospolis.

The first of these was Amôs, in whose reign Moses went forth from Egypt,​74 as I​75 here declare; but, according to the convincing evidence of the present calculation​76 it follows that in this reign Moses was still young.

The second king of the Eighteenth Dynasty, according to Africanus, was Chebrôs, who reigned for 13 years.

The third king, Amenôphthis,​77 reigned for 24 (21) years.

The fourth king (queen), Amensis (Amersis), reigned for 22 years.

 p113  The fifth, Misaphris, for 13 years.

The sixth, Misphragmuthôsis, for 26 years: in his reign the flood of Deucalion's time occurred.

Total, according to Africanus, down to the reign of Amôsis, also called Misphragmuthôsis, 69 years. Of the length of the reign of Amôs he said nothing at all.

7. Tuthmôsis, for 9 years.

8. Amenôphis, for 31 years. This is the king who was reputed to be Memnôn and a speaking statue.​78

9. Ôrus, for 37 years.

10. Acherrês,​79 for 32 years.

11. Rathôs, for 6 years.

12. Chebrês, for 12 years.

13. Acherrês, for 12 years.

14. Armesis, for 5 years.

15. Ramessês, for 1 year.

16. Amenôphath (Amenôph), for 19 years.

Total, 263 years.

 p115  Fr. 53 (a) (from Syncellus). According to Eusebius.

The Eighteenth Dynasty consisted of fourteen kings of Diospolis.

The first of these, Amôsis, reigned for 25 years.

2. The second, Chebrôn, for 13 years.

3. Ammenôphis, for 21 years.

4. Miphrês, for 12 years.

5. Misphragmuthôsis, for 26 years.

Total from Amôsis, the first king of this Eighteenth Dynasty, down to the reign of Misphragmuthôsis amounts, according to Eusebius, to 71 years; and there are five kings, not six. For he omitted the fourth king, Amensês, mentioned by Africanus and the others, and thus cut off the 22 years of his reign.

6. Tuthmôsis, for 9 years.

7. Amenôphis, for 31 years. This is the king who was reputed to be Memnôn and a speaking statue.​80

8. Ôrus, for 36 years (in another copy, 38 years).

9. Achenchersês [for 12 years].

[Athôris, for 39 years (? 9).]

[Cencherês] for 16 years.

About this time Moses led the Jews in their march out of Egypt. (Syncellus adds: Eusebius alone places in this reign the exodus of Israel under Moses, although no argument supports him, but all his predecessors hold a contrary view, as he testifies.)

 p117  10. Acherrês, for 8 years.

11. Cherrês, for 15 years.

12. Armaïs, also called Danaus, for 5 years: thereafter, he was banished from Egypt and, fleeing from his brother Aegyptus, he arrived in Greece, and, seizing Argos, he ruled over the Argives.

13. Ramessês, also called Aegyptus, for 68 years.

14. Ammenôphis, for 40 years.

Total, 348 years.

Eusebius assigns 85 years more than Africanus to the Eighteenth Dynasty. (Syncellus elsewhere says: Eusebius leaves out two kings, but adds 85 years, setting down 348 years instead of the 263 years of the reckoning of Africanus.)

(b) Armenian Version of Eusebius.

The Eighteenth Dynasty consisted of fourteen kings of Diospolis. The first of these, Amoses, reigned for 25 years.

2. Chebron, for 13 years.

3. Amophis, for 21 years.

4. Memphres, for 12 years.

5. Mispharmuthosis, for 26 years.

6. Tuthmosis, for 9 years.

7. Amenophis, for 31 years. This is the king who was reputed to be Memnon, a speaking stone.

8. Orus, for 28 years.

 p119  9. Achencheres . . ., for 16 years. In his time Moses became leader of the Hebrews in their exodus from Egypt.

10. Acherres, for 8 years.

11. Cherres, for 15 years.

12. Armaïs, also called Danaus, for 5 years: at the end of this time he was banished from the land of Egypt. Fleeing from his brother Aegyptus, he escaped to Greece, and after capturing Argos, he held sway over the Argives.

13. Ramesses, also called Aegyptus, for 68 years.

14. Amenophis, for 40 years.

Total for the dynasty, 348 years.

Fr. 54 (from Josephus, Contra Apionem, I.26‑31, §§ 227‑287).

(Josephus discusses the calumnies of the Egyptians against the Jews, whom they hate.)

227 The first writer upon whom I shall dwell is one whom I used a little earlier as a witness to our antiquity. 228 I refer to Manetho. This writer, who had undertaken to translate the history of Egypt from the sacred books, began by stating that our ancestors came against Egypt with many tens of thousands and gained the mastery over the inhabitants; and then he himself admitted that at a later date again they were driven out of the country, occupied what is now Judaea, founded Jerusalem, and built the temple.​81 Up to this point he followed the chronicles: 229 thereafter,  p121 by offering to record the legends and current talk about the Jews, he took the liberty of interpolating improbable tales in his desire to confuse with us a crowd of Egyptians, who for leprosy and other maladies​82 had been condemned, he says, to banishment from Egypt. 230 After citing a king Amenôphis, a fictitious person, — for which reason he did not venture to define the length of his reign, although in the case of the other kings he adds their years precisely, — Manetho attaches to him certain legends, having doubtless forgotten that according to his own chronicle the exodus of the Shepherds to Jerusalem took place 518 years​83 earlier. 231 For Tethmôsis was king when they set out; and, according to Manetho, the intervening reigns thereafter occupied 393 years down to the two brothers Sethôs and Hermaeus, the former of whom, he says, took the new name of Aegyptus, the latter that of Danaus. Sethôs drove out Hermaeus and reigned for 59 years; then Rampsês, the elder of his sons, for 66 years. 232 Thus, after admitting that so many years had elapsed since our forefathers left Egypt, Manetho now interpolates this intruding Amenôphis. This king, he states, conceived a desire to behold the gods, as Ôr,​84 one of his predecessors on  p123 the throne, had done; and he communicated his desire to his namesake Amenôphis,​85 Paapis' son, who, in virtue of his wisdom and knowledge of the future, was reputed to be a partaker in the divine nature. 233 This namesake, then, replied that he would be able to see the gods if he cleansed the whole land of lepers and other polluted persons. 234 The king was delighted, and assembled​86 all those in Egypt whose bodies were wasted by disease: they numbered 80,000 persons.  p125 235 These he cast into the stone-quarries87 to the east of the Nile, there to work segregated from the rest of the Egyptians. Among them, Manetho adds, there were some of the learned priests, who had been attacked by leprosy. 236 Then this wise seer Amenôphis was filled with dread of divine wrath against himself and the king if the outrage done to these persons should be discovered; and he added a prediction that certain allies would join the polluted people and would take possession of Egypt for 13 years. Not venturing to make this prophecy himself to the king, he left a full account of it in writing, and then took his own life. The king was filled with despondency. 237 Then Manetho continues as follows (I quote his account verbatim): "When the men in the stone-quarries had suffered hardships for a considerable time, they begged the king to assign to them as a dwelling-place and a refuge the deserted city of the Shepherds, Auaris, and he consented. According to religious tradition​88 this city was from earliest times dedicated to Typhôn. 238 Occupying this city and using the region as a base for revolt, they appointed as their leader one of the priests of Hêliopolis called Osarsêph,89  p127 and took an oath of obedience to him in everything. 239 First of all, he made it a law​90 that they should neither worship the gods nor refrain from any of the animals​91 prescribed as especially sacred in Egypt, but should sacrifice and consume all alike, and that they should have intercourse with none save those of their own confederacy. 240 After framing a great number of laws like these, completely opposed to Egyptian custom, he ordered them with their multitude of hands, to repair the walls of the city and make ready for war against King Amenôphis. 241 Then, acting in concert with certain other priests and polluted persons like himself, he sent an embassy to the Shepherds who had been expelled by Tethmôsis,​92 in the city called Jerusalem; and, setting forth the circumstances of himself and his companions in distress, he begged them to unite wholeheartedly in an attack upon Egypt. 242 He offered to conduct them first to their ancestral home at Auaris, to provide their hosts with lavish supplies, to fight on their behalf whenever need arose, and to bring Egypt without difficulty under their sway. 243 Overjoyed at the proposal, all the Shepherds, to the number of 200,000, eagerly set out,  p129 and before long arrived at Auaris. When Amenôphis, king of Egypt, learned of their invasion, he was sorely troubled, for he recalled the prediction of Amenôphis, son of Paapis. 244 First, he gathered a multitude of Egyptians; and having taken counsel with the leading men among them, he summoned to his presence the sacred animals which were held in greatest reverence in the temples, and gave instructions to each group of priests to conceal the images of the gods as securely as possible. 245 As for his five-year‑old son Rapsês,​93 he sent him safely away to his friend.​94 He then crossed the Nile with as many as 300,000 of the bravest warriors of Egypt, and met the enemy. But, instead of joining battle, 246 he decided that he must not fight against the gods, and made a hasty retreat to Memphis. There he took into his charge Apis and the other sacred animals which he had summoned to that place; and forthwith he set off for Ethiopia​95 with his whole army and the host of Egyptians. The Ethiopian king, who, in gratitude for a service, had become his subject, 247 welcomed him, maintained the whole multitude with such products of the country as were fit for human consumption,  p131 assigned to them cities and villages sufficient for the destined period of 13 years' banishment from his realm, and especially stationed an Ethiopian army on the frontiers of Egypt to guard King Amenôphis and his followers. 248 Meanwhile, the Solymites [or dwellers in Jerusalem] made a descent along with the polluted Egyptians, and treated the people so impiously and savagely that the domination of the Shepherds seemed like a golden age to those who witnessed the present enormities. 249 For not only did they set towns and villages on fire, pillaging the temples and mutilating images of the gods without restraint, but they also made a practice of using the sanctuaries as kitchens to roast the sacred animals which the people worshipped: and they would compel the priests and prophets to sacrifice and butcher the beasts, afterwards casting the men forth naked. 250 It is said that the priest who framed their constitution and their laws was a native of Hêliopolis, named Osarsêph after the god Osiris, worshipped at Hêliopolis; but when he joined this people, he changed his name and was called Moses."96

251 Such, then, are the Egyptian stories about the Jews,​97 together with many other tales which I pass  p133 by for brevity's sake. Manetho adds, however, that, at a later date, Amenôphis advanced from Ethiopia with a large army, his son Rampsês also leading a force, and that the two together joined battle with the Shepherds and their polluted allies, and defeated them, killing many and pursuing the others to the frontiers of Syria. 252 This then, with other tales of a like nature, is Manetho's account. Before I give proof that his words are manifest lies and nonsense, I shall mention one particular point, which bears upon my later refutation of other writers. Manetho has made one concession to us. He has admitted that our race was not Egyptian in origin, but came into Egypt from elsewhere, took possession of the land, and afterwards left it. 253 But that we were not, at a later time, mixed up with disease-ravaged Egyptians, and that, so far from being one of these, Moses, the leader of our people, lived many generations earlier, I shall endeavour to prove from Manetho's own statements.

254 To begin with, the reason which he suggests for his fiction is ridiculous. "King Amenôphis," he says, "conceived a desire to see the gods." Gods indeed! If he means the gods established by their ordinances, — bull, goat, crocodiles, and dog‑faced baboons, — he had them before his eyes; 255 and as for the gods of heaven, how could he see them? And why did he conceive this eager desire? Because, by Zeus,​98 before his time another king  p135 had seen them! From this predecessor, then, he had learned their nature and the manner in which he had seen them, and in consequence he had no need of a new system. 256 Moreover, the prophet by whose aid the king expected to succeed in his endeavour, was a sage. How, then, did he fail to foresee the impossibility of realizing this desire? It did, in fact, come to naught. And what reason had he for ascribing the invisibility of the gods to the presence of cripples or lepers? Divine wrath is due to impious deeds, not to physical deformities. 257 Next, how could 80,000 lepers and invalids be gathered together in practically a single day? The prophet had bidden him expel the cripples from Egypt, but the king cast them into stone-quarries, as if he needed labourers, not as if his purpose was to purge the land. 258 Manetho says, moreover, that the prophet took his own life, because he foresaw the anger of the gods and the fate in store for Egypt, but left in writing his prediction to the king. 259 Then how was it that the prophet had not from the first foreknowledge of his own death? Why did he not forthwith oppose the king's desire to see the gods? Was it reasonable to be afraid of misfortunes which were not to happen in his time? Or what worse fate could have been his than that which he hastened to inflict upon himself?

260 But let us now examine​99 the most ridiculous part  p137 of the whole story. Although he had learned these facts, and conceived a dread of the future, the king did not, even then, expel from his land those cripples of whose taint he had previously been bidden to purge Egypt, but instead, at their request, he gave them as their city (Manetho says) the former habitation of the Shepherds, Auaris, as it was called. 261 Here, he adds, they assembled, and selected as their leader a man who had formerly been a priest in Heliopolis. This man (according to Manetho) instructed them not to worship the gods nor to refrain from the animals revered in Egypt, but to sacrifice and devour them all, and to have intercourse with none save those of their own confederacy. Then having bound his followers by oath to abide strictly by these laws, he fortified Auaris and waged war against the king. 262 This leader, Manetho adds, sent to Jerusalem, inviting the people to join in alliance with him, and promising to give them Auaris, which, he reminded them, was the ancestral home of those who would come from Jerusalem, and would serve as a base for their conquest of the whole of Egypt. 263 Then, continues Manetho, they advanced with an army of 200,000 men; and Amenôphis, king of Egypt, thinking he ought not to fight against the gods, fled straightway into Ethiopia after enjoining that Apis and some of the other sacred animals should be entrusted to the custody of the priests. 264 Thereafter, the men from Jerusalem came on, made desolate the cities, burned down the temples, massacred  p139 the priests, and, in short, committed every possible kind of lawlessness and savagery. 265 The priest who framed their constitution and their laws was, according to Manetho, a native of Hêliopolis, Osarsêph by name, after Osiris the god worshipped in Hêliopolis: but he changed his name and called himself Moses. 266 Thirteen years later — this being the destined period of his exile — Amenôphis, according to Manetho, advanced from Ethiopia with a large army, and joining battle with the Shepherds and the polluted people, he defeated them, killing many, after pursuing them to the frontiers of Syria.

267 Here again Manetho fails to realize the improbability of his lying tale. Even if the lepers and their accompanying horde were previously angry with the king and the others who had treated them thus in obedience to the seer's prediction, certainly when they had left the stone-quarries and received from him a city and land, they would have grown more kindly disposed to him. 268 If indeed they still hated him, they would have plotted against him personally, instead of declaring war against the whole people; for obviously so large a company must have had numerous relatives in Egypt. 269 Notwithstanding, once they had resolved to make war on the Egyptians, they would never have ventured to direct their warfare against their gods, nor would they have framed laws completely opposed to the ancestral code under which they had been brought up. 270 We must, however, be grateful to Manetho for stating that the  p141 authors of this lawlessness were not the newcomers from Jerusalem, but that company of people who were themselves Egyptians, and that it was, above all, their priests who devised the scheme and bound the multitude by oath.

271 Moreover, how absurd it is to imagine that, while none of their relatives and friends joined in the revolt and shared in the perils of war, these polluted persons sent to Jerusalem and gained allies there! 272 What alliance, what connexion had previously existed between them? Why, on the contrary, they were enemies, and differed widely in customs. Yet Manetho says that they lent a ready ear to the promise that they would occupy Egypt, just as if they were not thoroughly acquainted with the country from which they had been forcibly expelled! 273 Now, if they had been in straitened or unusual circumstances, they would perhaps have taken the risk; but dwelling, as they did, in a prosperous city and enjoying the fruits of an ample country, superior to Egypt, why ever should they be likely to hazard their lives by succouring their former foes, those maimed cripples, whom none even of their own kinsfolk could endure? For of course they did not foresee that the king would take flight. 274 On the contrary, Manetho has himself stated that the son​100 of  p143 Amenôphis marched with 300,000 men to confront them at Pêlusium. This was certainly known to those already present; but how could they possibly guess that he would charting his mind and flee? 275 Manetho next says that, after conquering Egypt, the invaders from Jerusalem committed many heinous crimes; and for these he reproaches them, just as if he had not brought them in as enemies, or as if he was bound to accuse allies from abroad of actions which before their arrival native Egyptians were performing and had sworn to perform. 276 But, years later, Amenôphis returned to the attack, conquered the enemy in battle, and drove them, with slaughter, right to Syria. So perfectly easy a prey is Egypt to invaders, no matter whence they come! 277 And yet those who at that time conquered the land, on learning that Amenôphis was alive, neither fortified the passes between it and Ethiopia, although their resources were amply sufficient, nor did they keep the rest of their forces in readiness! Amenôphis, according to Manetho, pursued them with carnage over the sandy desert right to Syria. But obviously it is no easy matter for an army to cross the desert even without fighting.

278 Thus, according to Manetho, our race is not of Egyptian origin, nor did it receive any admixture of Egyptians. For, naturally, many of the lepers and invalids died in the stone-quarries during their long term of hardship, many others in the subsequent battles, and most of all in the final engagement and the rout.

 p145  279 It remains for me to reply to Manetho's statements about Moses. The Egyptians regard him as a wonderful, even a divine being, but wish to claim him as their own by an incredible calumny, alleging that he belonged to Hêliopolis and was dismissed from his priesthood there owing to leprosy. 280 The records, however, show that he lived 518 years​101 earlier, and led our forefathers up out of Egypt to the land which we inhabit at the present time. 281 And that he suffered from no such physical affliction is clear from his own words. He has, in fact, forbidden lepers​102 either to stay in a town or to make their abode in a village; they must go about in solitude, with their garments rent. Anyone who touches them or lives under the same roof with them he considers unclean. 282 Moreover, even if the malady is cured and the leper resumes normal health, Moses has prescribed certain rites of purification — to cleanse himself in a bath of spring-water and to shave off all his hair, — and enjoins the performance of a number of different sacrifices before entrance into the holy city. 283 Yet it would have been natural, on the contrary, for a victim of this scourge to show some consideration and kindly feeling for those who shared the same misfortune. 284 It was not only about lepers that he framed such laws: those who had even the slightest mutilation of the body were disqualified for the priesthood;​103 and if a priest in the course of his ministry met with an  p147 accident of this nature, he was deprived of his office. 285 How improbable, then, that Moses should be so foolish as to frame these laws, or that men brought together by such misfortunes should approve of legislation against themselves, to their own shame and injury! 286 But, further, the name, too, has been transformed in an extremely improbable way. According to Manetho, Moses was called Osarsêph. These names, however, are not interchangeable: the true name means "one saved out of the water," for water is called "mō‑y" by the Egyptians.104

287 It is now, therefore, sufficiently obvious, I think, that, so long as Manetho followed the ancient records, he did not stray far from the truth; but when he turned to unauthorized legends, he either combined them in an improbable form or else gave credence to certain prejudiced informants.

 p149  Dynasty XIX

Fr. 55 (from Syncellus). According to Africanus.

The Nineteenth Dynasty​105 consisted of seven (six) kings of Diospolis.

1. Sethôs, for 51 years.

2. Rapsacês, for 61 (66) years.

3. Ammenephthês, for 20 years.

4. Ramessês, for 60 years.

5. Ammenemnês, for 5 years.

6. Thuôris, who in Homer is called Polybus, husband of Alcandra, and in whose time Troy was taken,​106 reigned for 7 years.

Total, 209 years.

 p151  Sum total in the Second Book of Manetho, ninety‑six kings, for 2121 years.107

Fr. 56 (a) (from Syncellus). According to Eusebius.

The Nineteenth Dynasty consisted of five kings of Diospolis.

1. Sethôs, for 55 years.

2. Rampsês, for 66 years.

3. Ammenephthis, for 40 years.

4. Ammenemês, for 26 years.

5. Thuôris, who in Homer is called Polybus, husband of Alcandra, and in whose reign Troy was taken, reigned for 7 years.

Total, 194 years.

Sum total in the Second Book of Manetho, for ninety‑two kings, 1121 (2121) years.

(b) Armenian Version of Eusebius.

The Nineteenth Dynasty consisted of five kings of Diospolis.

1. Sethos, for 55 years.

2. Rampses, for 66 years.

3. Amenephthis, for 8 years.

4. Ammenemes, for 26 years.

 p153  5. Thuoris, by Homer called the active and gallant Polybus, in whose time Troy was taken, reigned for 7 years.

Total, 194 years.

In the Second Book of Manetho there is a total of ninety‑two kings, reigning for 2121 years.

The Editor's Notes:

1 Dynasty XII, c. 2000‑1790 B.C. (Meyer, Geschichte5, I.ii p270). Including Ammenemês whom Manetho places between Dynasty XI and Dynasty XII, there are eight rulers in Dynasty XII. — (1) Ammenemês (Amenemhêt I), (2) Sesonchôsis (Senwosret or Sesôstris I), (3) Ammanemêsº (Amenemhêt II), (4) Sesôstris II (omitted by Manetho), (5) Sesôstris (Senwosret III), (6) Manetho's Lamarês and Amerês (Amenemhêt III, NemaꜤtrêꜤ), (7) Ammenemês (Amenemhêt IV), (8) Scemiophris (Queen SebeknofrurêꜤ). For (5), the great Sesôstris (1887‑1850 B.C.) of Herodotus, II.102, Diod. Sic. I.53 ff., see Sethe, Unters. zur Gesch. . . . Aeg. II.1, and Meyer, Geschichte5, I.ii p268. The name of Amenemhêt bespeaks his Theban origin; he removed the capital further north to Dahshûr, a more central position — "Controller of the Two Lands," as its Egyptian name means. Thus the kings of Dynasty XII are kings who came from Thebes, but ruled at Dahshûr.

In Dynasty XII the conquests of Dynasty VI in the south were extended; and Sesôstris III was the first Egyptian king to conquer Syria. Among works of peace the great irrigation schemes in the Fayûm perpetuated the name of Amenemhêt III in "Lake Moeris". (See G. Caton-Thompson and E. W. Gardner, The Desert Fayûm, 1934.) Manetho mentions his building of the Labyrinth; it is significant that after the reign of Sesôstris III and his wide foreign conquests, his son should have built the Labyrinth. Vases of the Kamares type from Crete have been found at Kahûn, not far from the Labyrinth.

2 See A. de Buck (Mélanges Maspero, vol. I, 1935, 847‑52) for a new interpretation of the purpose of The Instruction of Amenemmes: in this political pamphlet the dead king speaks from the tomb in support of his son Sesostris, now holding the throne in spite of strong opposition, and violently denounces the ungrateful ruffians who murdered him. It seems probable that Manetho's note here refers to the death of Ammenemês I (Battiscombe Gunn).

3 See Ägyptische Inschriften aus den Museen zu Berlin, I p257, for a stele at Semneh with an inscription in which the great Sesôstris pours contempt upon his enemies, the Nubians.

4 For the sexual symbols represented upon pillars, see Hdt. II.102106, Diod. Sic. I.55.8: cf. the representation of mutilated captives on one of the walls of the Ramesseum, Diod. Sic. I.48.2. It has been suggested that Herodotus, who saw the pillars of Sesostris in Palestine, may possibly have mistaken an Assyrian for an Egyptian relief.

5 For other names of Amenemhêt III, see note on Marês, App. II, No. 35, p224.

6 The Labyrinth is correctly attributed by Manetho to Amenemhêt III, who built it as his mortuary temple (contrast Herodotus, II.148, who assigns this monument to the Dodecarchy). The Fayûm was a place of great importance during this dynasty, from Amenemhêt I onwards.

The description of the nome as "Arsinoïte" has often been suspected as a later interpolation; but if "Arsinoïte" was used by Manetho himself, it gives as a date in his life the year 256 B.C. when Ptolemy Philadelphus commemorated Queen Arsinoe (d. 270 B.C.) in the new name of the nome. (Cf. Intro. p. xivº for a possible reference to Manetho, the historian of Egypt, in 241 B.C.)

7 The items given add to 182 years.

8 The Armenian has a word here for "sufferings" or "torments" (Margoliouth): Karst expresses the general meaning as — "he engraved their oppression through (or, by means of) . . ."

9 Karst translates this word by "das höhlenwendelgangförmige".

10 Dynasty XIII, 1790-c. 1700 B.C. In the Turin Papyrus there is a corresponding group of sixty kings: see the list in Meyer, Geschichte5, I.ii pp308 f., one of them being a name ending in -mes, perhaps Dedumes, the king Τουτίμαιος of Fr. 42. The twenty-fifth king in the Turin Papyrus, Col. VII, KhaꜤneferrêꜤ Sebekhotp IV, is probably the King Chenephrês of whom Artapanus (1c B.C.) says that he was "king of the regions above Memphis (for there were at that time many kings in Egypt)" in the lifetime of Moses (Artapanus, Concerning the Jews, quoted by Euseb., Praepar. Evang. IX.27: see also Clement of Alexandria, Strom. I.23, 154).

11 Dynasties XIV‑XVII, the Hyksôs Age: c. 1700‑1580 B.C.

Dynasty XIV. Nothing is known of the kings of Dynasty XIV, whose seat was at Xoïs (Sakha) in the West Delta — an island and town in the Sebennytic nome (Strabo, 17.1.19). They were not rulers of Upper Egypt, but probably of the West Delta only. At this period there was, it is probable, another contemporary dynasty in Upper Egypt (Dynasty XVII of Manetho).

In the Turin Papyrus there is a long series of rulers' names corresponding to this dynasty; but the number given by Manetho (76) was not approximated in the Papyrus which shows between twenty and thirty names of kings. Not one of these names is preserved on the Monuments, nor on the Karnak Tablet. The kings of Dynasty XIV, and even the last kings of Dynasty XIII, reigned simultaneously with the Hyksôs kings: cf. the double series of kings in Dynasty XVII. In the Royal Lists of Abydos and Sakkâra the rulers of Dynasties XIII‑XVII are altogether omitted. The Royal List of Karnak gives a selection of about thirty-five names of Dynasties XIII‑XVII, omitting Dynasty XIV and the Hyksôs.

12 The invasion of the Hyksôs took place at some time in Dynasty XIII: hence the succeeding anarchy in a period of foreign domination. The later Egyptians looked back upon it as the Jews did upon the Babylonian captivity, or the English upon the Danish terror. The keen desire of the Egyptians to forget about the Hyksôs usurpation accounts in part for our ignorance of what actually happened: "it is with apparent unwillingness that they chronicle any events connected with it" (Peet, Egypt and the Old Testament, p69). In Egyptian texts the "infamous" (Hyksôs) were denoted as ꜤAmu, a title also given to the Hittites and their allies by Ramessês II in the poem of the Battle of Kadesh (ed. Kuentz, § 97). Perhaps they were combined with Hittites who in 1925 B.C. brought the kingdom of Babel to an end. It is certain that with the Hyksôs numerous Semites came into Egypt: some of the Hyksôs kings have Semitic names. For the presence of an important Hurrian element among the Hyksôs, see E. A. Speiser, "Ethnic Movements," in Ann. of Amer. Sch. of Or. Res. XIII (1932), p51. The Hyksôs brought with them from Asia their tribal god, which was assimilated by the Egyptian to Sêth, the god of foreign parts, of the desert, and of the enemy.

In the first half of the second millennium B.C. the Hyksôs ruled a great kingdom in Palestine and Syria (Meyer, Geschichte5, I § 304); and when their power was broken down by the arrival of hostile tribes, King Amôsis took advantage of their plight to drive the Hyksôs out of Egypt (A. Jirku, "Aufstieg und Untergang der Hyksôs," in Journ. of the Palestine Orient. Soc. XII, 1932, p60).

A dim tradition of Hyksôs-rule is possibly preserved in Herodotus, II.128. Perhaps "the shepherd Philitis" in that passage is connected with "Philistines," a tribe which may have formed part of these invaders. There is confusion between two periodsof oppression of the common people, — under the pyramid-builders and under the Hyksôs. For a translation of the Egyptian records which illustrate the Hyksôs period, see Battiscombe Gunn and Alan H. Gardiner, J. Eg. Arch. V, 1918, pp36‑56, "The Expulsion of the Hyksôs".

13 The word "tablets" is a probable emendation, since Manetho would naturally base his History upon temple-archives on stone as well as on papyrus: cf. the Palermo Stone, the Turin Papyrus, etc. (Intro. pp. xxi ff.).º

14 Cf. Manetho, Fr. 88.

15 This account of the Hyksôs invasion is obviously derived from popular Egyptian tales, the characteristics of which are deeply imprinted upon it. Meyer (Geschichte5, I.ii p313) quotes from papyri and inscriptions passages of similar style and content, e.g. Pap. Sallier I describing the war with the Hyksôs, and mentioning "Lord Apôpi in Auaris," and an inscription of Queen Hatshepsut from the Speos Artemidos, referring to the occupation of Auaris. See Breasted, Ancient Records, I § 24, II §§ 296 ff. Meyer adds that he would not be surprised if Manetho's description reappeared word for word one day in a hieratic papyrus. Cf. § 75 ὁ θεός: § 76 the crimes of the Hyksôs (Fr. 54, § 249, those of the Solymites and their polluted allies): § 77 the upper and lower lands: §§ 78, 237 religious tradition to explain the name of Auaris and its dedication to Typhôn: § 99 hollow phrases about military expeditions of Sethôs: § 237 the form of the phrase ὡς χρόνος ἱκανὸς διῆλθεν, and many other passages. See also Weill, La fin du moyen empire égyptien, pp76 ff.

16 See Fr. 38, n. 3.

17 The success of the Hyksôs may have been due to superior archery and to the use of horse-drawn chariots, previously unknown in Egypt (Maspero, Hist. Anc. II p51; Petrie, Hyksos and Israelite Cities, p70; H. R. Hall, Anc. Hist. of Near East8, p213), as well as to superior weapons of bronze (H. R. Hall, C. A. H. I p291 n., 312 f.).

18 The name may be Semitic (cf. Hebr. shallit), but it has not been found on the monuments. Possibly it is not strictly a proper name, but rather a title like "prince," "general": "sultan" comes from the same root.

19 Cf. § 90. Manetho regards as historically true the Greek tales of the great Assyrian Empire of Ninus and Semiramis. The period referred to here is much earlier than the time when Assyria began to harass the Mediterranean regions.

20 If "Saïte" is correct here, it has nothing to do with the famous Saïs, but is probably used for "Tanite": cf.  Herodotus, II.17, Strabo 17.1.20 (P. Montet in Revue Biblique, XXXIX 1930). The Sethroïte nome (Fr. 43, 48,º 49) is in the extreme E. of the Delta, adjoining the Tanite nome. For Sethroê see H. Junker, Zeit. f. äg. Sprache 75, 1939, p78.

21 For Bubastis see Fr. 8 n. 2. The Bubastite branch is the farthest E., the next being the Tanitic.

22 Auaris, in Ancient Egyptian HetwaꜤret, "town of the desert strip," but this meaning does not explain the "religious tradition". (The older interpretations, "house of the flight," "house of the leg," were attached to the Seth-Typhôn legend: cf. n. 3 infra.) Tanis was a stronghold of the Hyksôs: in O. T. Numbers xiii.22, "Now Hebron (in S. Palestine) was built seven years before Zoan in Egypt," Zoan is Tanis (DjaꜤnet), and the statement probably refers to the Hyksôs age. Sethe cautiously said, "Seth is the god of the Hyksôs cities, Tanis and Auaris." But in Revue Biblique, XXXIX, 1930, pp5‑28, Pierre Montet, the excavator of Tanis, brought forward reasons to identify Auaris and Pi‑RaꜤmesses with Tanis; and Alan H. Gardiner (J. Eg. Arch. XIX, 1933, pp122‑128) gave further evidence this view (p126): "San el‑Hagar marks the site of the city successively called Auaris, Pi‑RaꜤmesse, and Tanis". In spite of the criticism of Raymond Weill (J. Eg. Arch. XXI, 1935, pp10‑25), who cited a hieroglyphic document (found in the temple of Ptah in Memphis) in which Auaris and "the field (or land) of Tanis" are separate, Pierre Montet (Syria, XVII, 1936, pp200‑202) maintains the identity of Auaris, Pi‑RaꜤmesses, and Tanis. [So does H. Junker, Zeit. f. äg. Sprache 75, 1939, pp63‑84.]

Meanwhile, a new identification of Pi‑RaꜤmessês had been suggested: by excavation M. Hamza (Annales du Service des Antiquités de l'Égypte, XXX 1930, p65) found evidence tending to identify Pi‑RaꜤmessês with the palace of Ramessês II at Tell el‑Yahudîya, near Kantîr, c. 25 kilometres south of Tanis; and William C. Hayes (Glazed Tiles from a Palace of Ramessês II at Kantîr: The Metropolitan Museum of Art Papers, No. 3, 1937) supports this theory that Kantîr was the Delta residence of the Ramesside kings of Egypt, pointing out that there is a practically unbroken series of royal Ramesside monuments which cover a period of almost 200 years.

In 1906 Petrie discovered at Kantîr a vast fortified encampment of Hyksôs date and a Hyksôs cemetery: see Petrie, Hyksôs and Israelite Cities, pp3‑16 (the earthwork ramparts of the camp were intended to protect an army of chariots).

23 See Fr. 54, § 237, for its connexion with Seth-Typhon, to whom the tribal god of the Hyksôs was assimilated.

24 Of these Hyksôs names Bnôn and Apachnan are unexplained. Apôpi (the name of several kings — at least three), and perhaps Asêth (Assis), seem to be pure Egyptian: Iannas is presumed to be Khian, whose cartouche turned up surprisingly and significantly on the lid of an alabastron in the Palace of Minos at Knossos in Crete, as well as on a basalt lion from Baghdad. On Khian, see Griffith in Proc. of Soc. of Bibl. Arch. XIX (1897), pp294 f., 297.

25 In his History (and for short reigns in the Epitome, see e.g. Dynasty XXVII) Manetho reckoned by months as well as by years, like the Turin Papyrus and the Palermo Stone: see Intro. pp. xxii f.º

26 Hyksôs, "rulers of foreign lands" (Erman-Grapow, Wörterbuch, III p171, 29). Another form of the name, Hykussôs, is preserved by Eusebius, but it is uncertain whether the medial -u- is really authentic — the Egyptian plural (Meyer). Hyk = ruler of a pastoral people, a sheikh.

"The Hyksôs, like the foreign Kassite Dynasty in Babylonia, adopted the higher culture of the conquered country" (J. Garstang, The Heritage of Solomon, 1934, p62).

27 This is correct: for the Egyptian word śʾsw, "Bedouins," which in Coptic became shós, "a herdsman," see Erman-Grapow, Wörterbuch, IV p412, 10 (B. G.).

28 In a papyrus (2/3c A.D.) quoted by Wilcken in Archiv für Pap. III (1906), pp188 ff. (Chrestomathie, I.ii p322) ἄμμος ὑκσιωτική is mentioned — aloe [or cement (Preisigke)] from the land of the Hyksiôtae, apparently in Arabia. This gives some support to the statement in the text.

29 Josephus, in revising this treatise just as he revised his Antiquities, appears to have used a second version of Manetho's Aegyptiaca. Did Josephus ever have before him Manetho's original work? Laqueur thinks it more probable that Josephus consulted revisions of Manetho made from the Philo- or the anti-Semitic point of view: see Intro. p. xviii.º Since the third century B.C. an extensive literature on the origin of the Jews had arisen.

30 This appears to be a Jewish explanation (§ 91), to harmonize with the story of Joseph.

31 The reference here is to the Egyptian word ḥʾḳ, "booty," "prisoners of war" (Erman-Grapow, Wörterbuch, III p33) (B. G.).

32 This number of years, much too high for the length of the Hyksôs sway in Egypt, may perhaps refer to the whole period of their rule in Palestine and Syria: see A. Jirku, in Journ. of the Palestine Orient. Soc. XII, 1932, p51 n. 4.

33 Misphragmuthôsis, i.e. MenkheperrêꜤ (Tuthmôsis III) and his son Thummôsis, i.e. Tuthmôsis IV, are here said to have driven out the Hyksôs. In Fr. 50, § 94, Tethmôsis is named as the conqueror. In point of historical fact the victorious king was Amôsis, and he took Auaris by main force: the genuine Manetho must surely have given this name which is preserved by Africanus and Eusebius, as also by Apiôn in Tatian, adv. Graecos, § 38. See p101 n. 2, and cf.  Meyer, Aeg. Chron., pp73 f.

Weill, La fin du moyen empire égyptien, p95, explains the error by assuming that the exploit of the capture of Auaris was usurped by Tuthmôsis IV, as it was usurped earlier by Hatshepsut and later by Ramessês III.

Breasted (C. A. H. II p83) holds that, since with the catastrophic fall of Kadesh on the Orontes before the arms of Tuthmôsis III the last vestige of the Hyksôs power disappeared, the tradition of late Greek days made Tuthmôsis III the conqueror of the Hyksôs. He points out that the name Misphragmuthôsis is to be identified with the two cartouche-names of Tuthmôsis III: it is a corruption of "MenkheperrêꜤ Tuthmôsis".

34 Lit. "with a circumference of 10,000 arûrae". The text (which cannot be attributed as it stands to Manetho — τὴν περίμετρον must be a later addition) implies a wrong use of arûra as a measure of length; it is, in reality, a measure of area, about half an acre.

Thayer's Note: See the article Arura in Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities.

35 240,000 — the number of the garrison mentioned in § 78, where they are described as "hoplites".

36 On the origin of "Jeru-šalem," see A. Jirku in Zeitschr. d. Deutsch. Morgenl. Gesellschaft, 90 (1936), pp * 10 * f.: the first part, Jeru-, is non‑Semitic (cf. O. T. Ezek. xvi.245: 2 Sam. xxiv.16, and the names Jeru‑baꜤal, Jeru-'el; also, Jaru-wataš in an inscr. of Boghazköi); the second part, Šalem, is a Canaanitish divine name, found in the texts of Ras esh‑Shamra. The name of the city occurs in the El‑Amarna Letters in the form "Urusalimmu," the oldest literary mention of Jerusalem.

37 Cf. § 83 for the same information, there attributed to "another copy".

38 Cf. O. T. Genesis xlvi.32‑34, xlvii.3.

39 In the Biblical narrative Joseph told the chief butler or cup‑bearer (Genesis xl.15). The margin of the Florentine MS. has a note on this passage: "In another copy (i.e. of the treatise Against Apion) the following reading was found — 'he was sold by his brethren and brought down into Egypt to the king of Egypt; and later, again, with the king's consent, summoned his brethren to Egypt'."

40 The reference seems to be to Fr. 54, § 227 ff., but ἐν ἄλλοις usually refers to a separate work.

41 Africanus gives a less correct list than Josephus (cf. the transposition of Apôphis to the end): there is further corruption in Eusebius (Fr. 48) and the Book of Sôthis (App. IV).

42 This statement of the Phoenician origin of the Hyksôs kings has generally been discredited until recently: now the Ras esh‑Shamra tablets, which imply a pantheon strikingly similar to that of the Hyksôs, have shown that the Hyksôs were closely related to the Phoenicians.

43 See p80 n. 3. The Saïte nome proper, as opposed to this "Tanite" nome, is mentioned in Egyptian texts of the Old Kingdom. For the famous Saïs, the seat of Dynasty XXVI (now Sa El‑Hagar, see Baedeker8, p36 — N. W. of Tanta on the right bank of the Rosetta branch), the centre of the cult of Neith, "the metropolis of the lower country" (Strabo, 17.1.18), cf. Herodotus, II.62; Diod. I.28.4 (for its relation to Athens).

44 For Iannas (in Josephus), the Khian of the Monuments, see p83 n. 2.

45 Archlês here, and in Eusebius (Fr. 48), corresponds with Assis (or Aseth) in Josephus (Fr. 42, § 80); but the change in the form of the name is extraordinary.

46 The length of reign (61 years, as in Josephus) leads one to believe that Africanus has transposed Apôphis from the 4th place to the 6th; but in point of fact the last Hyksôs king whom we know by name was called Apepi.

47 Barbarus gives 318 years (p23, XV); Meyer conjectures that the true number is 418 (Aeg. Chron. p99). Contrast Fr. 42, § 84 (511 years).

48 See H. E. Winlock, "Tombs of the Seventeenth Dynasty at Thebes," in J. Eg. Arch. X pp217 ff.

49 Barbarus gives 221 years (p23, XVI). According to Manetho the total length of the foreign usurpation probably was 929 years (260 in Josephus + 518 + 151). Josephus (Fr. 42, § 84) gives 511 years. These statements, even if based on actual traditions, have no weight as compared with the certain data of the Monuments. The almost complete lack of buildings of the Hyksôs time and the close connexion of the Thebans of Dynasty XVII with those of Dynasty XIII tend to show that the Hyksôs rule in the Nile Valley lasted for about a hundred and twenty years, c. 1700‑1580 B.C. Under one of the Theban kings, TaꜤo, who bore the epithet "The Brave," war with the Hyksôs broke out c. 1590 B.C.; Kamose, the last king of the Dynasty XVII, continued the war of independence, and Amôsis (of Dynasty XVIII) finally expelled the usurpers.

50 This must be a mistake of transcription: see note 2 on the text.

51 See Fr. 42, § 78, n. 3, Fr. 43, n. 4.

52 See p95 n. 3.

53 See p80 n. 3.

54 The Armenian text of this sentence is rather difficult, but Professor Margoliouth, pointing out that the Armenian present infinitive is used here for the perfect, approves of this rendering. Karst translates the Armenian in the following sense: "It is under these kings that Joseph arises, to rule over Egypt".

55 See p95 n. 3.

56 See p80 n. 3.

57 The addition of 5 days (not 6, as above) to the short year of 360 days was made long before the Hyksôs age: it goes back to at least the Pyramid Age, and probably earlier. The introduction of the calendar, making an artificial reconciliation of the lunar and solar years, perhaps as early as 4236 B.C., is believed to give the earliest fixed date in human history: see V. Gordon Childe, New Light on the Most Ancient East, 1934, pp 4 f.º

58 The New Kingdom: Dynasties XVIII‑XX: c. 1580-c. 1100 B.C.

Dynasty XVIII c. 1580‑1310 B.C.

For identification with the monumental evidence which is firmly established, see Meyer, Geschichte2, II.1, p78: the names and order of the first nine kings are: (1) Amôsis  p101 (Chebrôn is unexplained), (2) Amenôphis I, (3) Tuthmôsis I, (4) Tuthmôsis II, (5) Hatshepsut (apparently Manetho's Amessis or Amensis: the same length of reign, 21 years), (6) Tuthmosis III (corresponding to Mêphrês, i.e. MenkheperrêꜤ or MeshperêꜤ, and Misphragmuthôsis, i.e. MenkheperrêꜤ Thutmose), (7) Amenôphis II, (8) Tuthmôsis IV (the order of these two being reversed by Manetho), (9) Amenôphis III (Hôrus, the same length of reign, 36 years).

The remaining kings of the dynasty are: Amenôphis IV (Akhnaten, see p123 n. 1), SemenkhkarêꜤ (? Acenchêrês), TûtꜤankhamon (? Chebrês), Ay (? Acherrês): see C. A. H. II p702. On rulers Nos. 3, 4, 5 and 6, see Wm. F. Edgerton, The Thutmosid Succession, 1933.

For Dynasty XIX, see p148 n. 1.

59 Tethmôsis = Amôsis: see note on Misphragmuthôsis, Fr. 42, § 86. For the scarab of Amôsis see Plate 1, 3.

60 Howard Carter (Tutankhamen, III p3) points out that monuments of Amenôphis III are dated to his 37th year, perhaps even to his 40th year; and he explains that Manetho has given the length of his reign as sole ruler. More commonly, the high figures assigned to the reigns of kings may be explained by the assumption that overlapping co‑regencies have been included.

61 Miamûn = Mey‑amûn, "beloved of Amûn".

62 The margin of the Florentine MS. has a note here: "The following reading was found in another copy: 'After him Sethôsis and Ramessês, two brothers. The former, with a strong fleet, blockaded his murderous (?) adversaries by sea. Not long after, he slew Ramessês and appointed another of his brothers, Harmaïs, as viceroy of Egypt.' " This is intended as a correction of the text of Josephus, but it contains the error of the Florentine MS. in the reading Σέθωσις καὶ Ῥαμέσσης. Sethôsis is the Sesostris of Herodotus, II.102, where his naval expedition in the "Red Sea" is described.

Meyer, Aeg. Chron. p91, considers the words "also called Ramessês" an addition to Manetho. See § 245.

W. Struve (see p148 n. 1) would here emend Sethôs into Sesôs, which was a name of Ramesês II: according to the monuments he reigned for 67 years (cf. Fr. 55, 2), and his triumphant Asiatic campaigns were told by Hecataeus of Abdera (Osymandyas in Diodorus Siculus, I.47 ff.).

63 A frequent title from the Old Kingdom onwards is "overseer of the priests of Upper and Lower Egypt," later applied to the high priest of Amûn. The emendation ἱερῶν (for ἱερέων) is supported by a reference in a papyrus of about the time of Manetho.

64 See Fr. 54, § 274, n. 1 (pp140‑141).

65 With the return of Sethôsis to a country in revolt, cf. Herodotus, II.107 (return of Sesostris and the perilous banquet), Diod. Sic. I.57.6‑8. The tale appears to be a piece of folklore (Maspero, Journ. des Savants, 1901, pp599, 665 ff.). See Wainwright, Sky‑Religion, p48.

66 Danaus: cf.  § 231. See Meyer, Aeg. Chron. p75, for the theory that the identification of Sethôs and Harmaïs with Aegyptus and Danaus is due, not to Manetho, but to a Jewish commentator or interpolator.

The tradition is that Danaus, a king of Egypt, was expelled by his brother and fled to Argos with his fifty daughters, and there "the sons of Aegyptus" were slain by "the daughters of Danaus." The legend appears to have existed in Egypt as well as in Greece: see Diod. Sic. I.28.2, 97.2. For attempts to explain the story in terms of Aegean pre‑history, see J. L. Myres, Who Were the Greeks? (1930), pp323 ff.: M. P. Nilsson, The Mycenaean Origin of Greek Mythology (1932), p64.

67 This total is reckoned from Tethmôsis (Amôsis) to the end of the reign of Sethôsis, the latter being taken as 60 years (cf.  § 231, where Sethôs is said to have reigned for 59 years after driving out Hermaeus).

68 The mythical King Inachus was held to be still more ancient: cf. Fr. 4, 1 (p19 n. 4).

69 The traditional date of the Trojan war is 1192‑1183 B.C.

70 This appears to be about four times too high a figure: 250 years would be a nearer estimate.

71 Cf. Fr. 54, §§ 229, 287, for Manetho's use of popular traditions.

72 This list of Dynasties XVIII, XIX is obviously derived wholly from Josephus, any variations from the text of Josephus being merely corruptions. Theophilus, Bishop of Antioch, wrote his apologia for the Christian faith (three books addressed to a friend Autolycus) in the second half of the 2c A.D.

73 See p100 n. 1.

74 See p101 n. 2. On the basis of new evidence scholars now tend to conclude that the Exodus took place c. 1445 B.C. (see e.g. J. W. Jack, The Date of the Exodus, 1925): Jericho fell c. 1400 B.C. (J. Garstang, The Heritage of Solomon, 1934, p281).

75 I.e. Africanus.

76 I.e. by Syncellus.

77 This Greek transcription of "Amenḥotpe," retaining both the labial and the dental, is the fullest form of the name, "Amenôthês" showing assimilation: "Amenôphis," which is regularly used to represent "Amenḥotpe," actually comes from another name, "Amen(em)ôpe" (B. G.). The month Phamenôth (February-March) is named from the "feast of Amenôthês".

78 This note about Memnôn in both Africanus and Eusebius should be transferred to the ninth king of the dynasty, Ôrus or Amenôphis III.

The reference is to the two monolithic colossi of Amenôphis III (Baedeker8, pp345 f.): see Pausanias, I.42 (the Thebans say it was a statue not of Memnôn, but of Phamenôph, who dwelt in those parts) with J. G. Frazer's note (vol. II pp530 f.), and Tacitus, Ann. II.61. Amenôphis III (Memnôn) is correctly named in Greek Amenôth and Phamenôth by the poetess Balbilla (time of Hadrian): see Werner Peek in Mitt. des Deutsch. Inst. für äg. Alt. in Kairo, V.1 (1934), pp96, 99; Sammelbuch, 8211, 8213.

79 For possible identifications of Nos. 10, 12, and 13 see p101 n. 1. Nos. 14, 15, and 16 should be transferred to Dynasty XIX: see p148 n. 1. Armesis (Armaïs) is probably Haremhab; Ramessês, vizier of Haremhab and afterwards Ramessês I, was probably of Heliopolitan origin (P. E. Newberry).

80 See p113 n. 1.

81 According to O. T. 1 Kings vi.1, the building of Solomon's Temple was begun 480 years after the Exodus: if the Exodus is dated c. 1445 B.C. (see p110 n. 2), the Temple was founded c. 965 B.C.

82 Cf. "the botch (or boil) of Egypt" (perhaps elephantiasis), Deuteronomy xxviii.27.

Thayer's Note: An echo of this Graeco-Roman association of leprosy with the Jews may possibly be found several centuries later in Ammian: XXII.5.5, and my note there.

83 This number seems to be obtained by adding 393 + 59 + 66: in that case the reign of Sethôsis is counted twice, (1) as 60, (2) as 59 years (cf. Fr. 50, § 103).

84 Ôr, or Hôrus, is the ninth king in Manetho's list of Dynasty XVIII (Frs. 5152), in reality Amenôphis III. Reinach points out that Herodotus (II.42) tells the same story of the Egyptian Heracles, and conjectures that there is perhaps confusion with the god Hôrus.

85 For this Amenôphis, a historical personage, later deified (cf. the deification of Imhotep, Fr. 11), Amenḥotpe, son of Hapu, and minister of Amenôphis III, see G. Maspero, New Light on Ancient Egypt (1909), pp189‑195: Sethe, in Aegyptiaca (Ebers, Festschrift), 1897, pp107‑116: Breasted, Anc. Rec. II §§ 911 ff.; Warren R. Dawson, The Bridle of Pegasus, 1930, pp49‑79. In 1934‑35 excavations by the French Institute, Cairo, revealed all that remains of the splendour of the funerary temple of Amenḥotpe, son of Hapu, among a series of such temples to the N. of Medinet Habu: see Robichon and Varille, Le Temple du Scribe Royal Amenhotep, Fils de Hapou, I, Cairo, 1936. An inscription of the 3c B.C. (and therefore contemporary with Manetho), headed Ἀμενώτου ὑποθῆκαι, "Precepts of Amenôtes or Amenôphis," was published by Wilcken in Aegyptiaca, 1897, pp142 ff. It is inscribed upon a limestone ostracon of Deir-el‑Bahri; and the first three injunctions run: "Practise wisdom along with justice," "Revere both the gods and your parents," "Take counsel at leisure, but accomplish speedily whatever you do".

An ostracon, found at Deir-el‑Bahri, and giving the draft of an inscription concerning the deified Amenôphis, was published by A. Bataille, Études de Papyrologie, IV (1938), pp125‑131: it celebrates the cure of a certain Polyaratos. See O. Guéraud in Bull. Inst. Fr. d'Arch. Or., XXVII (1927), pp121 ff., P. Jouguet, "Les Grands Dieux de la Pierre Sainte à Thèbes," Mélanges Glotz, II pp493‑500.

For the historical interpretation of this whole passage, §§ 232‑251, see Meyer, Geschichte2, II.1, pp421 ff. King Amenôphis is at one time Merneptah, son of Rameses II; at another time, Amenôphis IV (Akhnaten), some 200 years earlier. The doings of the polluted, the persecution of the gods, and the slander of the holy animals, clearly portray the fury of Akhnaten and his followers against Egyptian religion. For a popular Egyptian parallel to §§ 232 ff., see the Potter's Oracle, one of the Rainer Papyri (3c A.D.) edited by Wilcken in Hermes, XL 1905, pp544 ff. and by G. Manteuffel, De Opusculis Graecis Aegypti e papyris, ostracis, lapidibusque collectis, 1930, No. 7; and cf. the prophecy of the lamb, Manetho, Fr. 64.

For a theory about the identity of the polluted (they are the troops of Sethôs I, sent to Tanis by his father Ramessês I during the ascendancy of Haremhab), see P. Montet, "La Stèle de l'An 400 Retrouvée," in Kémi, III 1935, pp191‑215.

86 In an incredibly short time (§ 257).

87 The quarries of Tura were known to Herodotus (II.124) as the source of building-stone for the Pyramids.

On forced labour in quarries in Ptolemaic times, Reinach refers to Bouché-Leclercq, Histoire des Lagides, III.241; IV.193, 337 f.

88 Cf. Fr. 42, § 78.

89 Osarsêph, the leader of the movement, is later (§ 250) identified with Moses. The name Osarsêph is a possible Egyptian name: cf. Ranke, Personennamen I p85, No. 3 wsı͗r‑spʾ. Wilcken (Chrestomathie, I.1, p106) derives the name from a holy animal Sêph; but the Jews would naturally see in it a form of the name Joseph.

90 "Does the author know that the Decalogue begins with an admonition to have no other god but Jehovah? Or does he recall Greek lists of duties (Xen., Mem. IV.4, 19; Carmen Aureum, V.1; cf. Dieterich, Nekyia, pp146 f.) which inculcate reverence for the gods as the first precept?" (Reinach). Add Isocrates, Ad Demonicum, §§ 13, 16, and the Precepts of Sansnôs (2c‑3c A.D.), as inscribed in Nubia, CIG III.5041 (Wilcken, Chrestomathie, I.ii p147, No. 116) — the first precept is "Revere the divinity".

91 Cf. Tac., Hist. V.4: the Jews under Moses sacrificed the ram as if to insult Ammôn, and the bull, because the Egyptians worship Apis. Cf. O. T. Leviticus xvi.3.

92 Tethmôsis for Amôsis, as in Fr. 50 (§ 94).

93 Rapsês: doubtless an error for Rampsês. There is confusion here: the grandfather is Ramessês II. See Meyer (Aeg. Chron. p91), who considers the words "Sethôs also called" an interpolation (cf. § 98), intended to identify a Sethôs son of Amenôphis and a Ramessês son of Amenôphis.

94 A curious indefiniteness: the reference may be to the king of Ethiopia, mentioned in the next section.

95 The truth is that Ethiopia (Nubia, Cush) was at that time a province of the kingdom of the Pharaohs.

96 According to Meyer (Aeg. Chron. p77), this section with its identification of Osarsêph and Moses is due to an anti-Semitic commentator on Manetho. It is interesting that Osiris should be thus identified with the mysterious god of the Jews, whose name must not be uttered.

97 Cf. Hecataeus of Abdera (in Diodorus Siculus, XL.3): the Jews are foreigners expelled from Egypt because of a plague. See Meyer, Geschichte2, II.1, p424. Hecataeus lived for some time at the court of Ptolemy I (323‑285 B.C.), and used Egyptian sources for his Aegyptiaca. Cf. Intro. pp. xxiv f.º

98 A strange expression which seems to belong to an anti-Semitic polemic. In Josephus, C. Apion II.263 (a passage about Socrates), νὴ Δία has been restored to the text by Niese's conjecture.

99 The passage §§ 260‑266 repeats unnecessarily the substance of §§ 237‑250: possibly these are extracts from two treatises utilizing the same material.

100 In § 245 we are told that Amenôphis himself led his host in this useless march, and that his son was only 5 years old. Only here is Pêlusium mentioned as the destination of the march.

Pêlusium, "the celebrated eastern seaport and key to Egypt" (Baedeker8, pp197 f.), the famous frontier fortress, in ancient Egyptian Śnw. A scarab of the late Twelfth Dynasty or early Thirteenth, published by Newberry in J. Eg. Arch. XVIII (1932), p141, shows the place-name within the fortress-sign. The name Pêlusium is from πηλός "mud"; cf. Strabo, 17.1.21, for the muddy pools or marshes round Pêlusium.

101 518 years. See n. on § 230.

102 For the laws of leprosy, here summarized, see O. T. Leviticus xiii (especially 45 f.) and xiv.

103 Cf.  O. T. Leviticus xxi.17‑23 (exclusion from the priesthood of anyone "that hath a blemish").

104 The same etymology (with the necessary addition that ὐσῆς means "saved") recurs in Josephus, Antiq. II.228; cf. Philo, De Vita Moysis, I.4, § 17. There is a word in Ancient Egyptian, mw {𓈗}, meaning "water," but the connexion with the name Moses is hypothetical. Similar forms appear as personal names in Pharaonic times, e.g. Ms.ı͗ from the Old Kingdom, Ms (very common) from the New Kingdom. In Exodus ii.10 "Moses" is "drawn out" (Hebr. mashah of the water — a derivation "hardly meant to be taken seriously" (T. H. Robinson, in Oesterley and Robinson, History of Israel, I p81).

See further Alan H. Gardiner, "The Egyptian Origin of some English Personal Names," in Journ. of Amer. Orient. Soc. 56 (1936), pp192‑4. Gardiner points out (p195, n. 28) that ὐσῆς (mentioned above) is clearly a perversion of ασιης [or ἑσιῆς = Egyptian ḥsy {𓎛𓎿𓋴𓏭𓀁}, "praised," LS9], the Greek equivalent of the Coptic hasie, "favoured"; but an Egyptian became "favoured" by the fact of being drowned, not by being saved from drowning.

105 Dynasty XIX: c. 1310‑1200 B.C. The lists given by Africanus and Eusebius for Dynasty XIX are in very bad confusion. Armaïs (Haremhab) should begin the line, which Meyer gives as follows:—

Haremhab: Ramessês I: Sethôs I: Ramessês II (the Louis Quatorze of Egyptian history: 67 years, see Breasted, Anc. Rec. IV § 471; C. A. H. II pp139 ff.): Merneptah: Amenmesês: Merneptah II. Siptah: Sethôs II: Ramessês Siptah: Sethôs II: Ramessês Siptah: <Arus the Syrian>.

W. Struve (De Ara ἀπὸ Μενόφρεως und die XIX. Dynastie Manethos, in Zeitschr. für äg. Sprache, Bd. 63 (1928), pp45‑50) gives a revised sequence with additional identifications: (1) Harmaïs (Haremhab), (2) Ramessês I, (3) Amenôphath (Seti I Merneptah), (4) Sesôs (Struve's emendation for Sethôs), also called Ramessês Miamoun [Ramessês II Seso], (5) Amenephthês (Merneptah), (6) [Amenophthês or Menophthês, emended from the form Menophrês in Theon of Alexandria], (Seti II Merneptah), (7) Ramessês III Siptah, (8) Ammenemes (Amenmeses), (9) Thuôris or Thuôsris, also called Siphthas. Cf. Petrie, History of Egypt, III pp120 ff. Struve points also to a new Sôthis date, 1318 B.C., in the reign of Seti I (according to Petrie's chronology, 1326‑1300 B.C.).

106 The Fall of Troy was traditionally dated 1183 B.C.; cf. p107 n. 3.

In Homer, Odyssey, IV.126, a golden distaff and a silver work-basket with wheels beneath and golden rims, — treasures in the palace of Menelaus at Sparta, — are described as gifts to Helen from "Alcandrê, the wife of Polybus who dwelt in Egyptian Thebes where the amplest store of wealth is laid up in men's houses"; while to Menelaus himself Polybus had given two silver baths, two tripods, and ten talents of gold. See W. H. D. Rouse, The Story of Odysseus, 1937, p56: "Polybos was a great nobleman in the Egyptian Thebes, with a palace full of treasures."

107 For the corrected total of Book II, see Fr. 4, n. 4 (246 or 289 kings for 2221 years). The wide difference between the number of kings (96 or 92 as compared with 246 or 289) is puzzling: Meyer conjectures that about 150 or 193 of the larger numbers were ephemeral or co‑regents.

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