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XIII.1 (Part 1)

This webpage reproduces a section of
The Geography


published in Vol. V
of the Loeb Classical Library edition,

The text is in the public domain.

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XIII.1 (Part 3)

(Vol. VI) Strabo

 p59  Book XIII, Chapter 1 (continued)

28 (595) After Abydus, then, comes the Dardanian Promontory, which I mentioned a little while ago,​1 and also the city Dardanus, which is seventy stadia distant from Abydus. Between the two places empties the Rhodius River, opposite which, in the Chersonesus, is Cynos-Sema,​2 which is said to be the tomb of Hecabê. But some say that the Rhodius empties into the Aesepus. This too is one of the rivers mentioned by the poet: "Rhesus, Heptaporus, Caresus, and Rhodius."​3 Dardanus was an ancient settlement, but it was held in such contempt that it was oftentimes transplanted by some of the kings to Abydus and then resettled again by others on the ancient site. It was here that Cornelius Sulla, the Roman commander, and Mithridates surnamed Eupator met and arranged the terms for the conclusion of the war.

29 Near by is Ophrynium, near which, in a conspicuous place, is the sacred precinct of Hector.​4 And next comes the Lake​5 of Pteleos.

30 Then come Rhoeteium, a city situated on a hill, and, adjacent to Rhoeteium, a low‑lying shore, on which are a tomb and temple of Aias, and also a statue of him, which was taken up by Antony and carried off to Aegypt; but Augustus Caesar gave it back again to the Rhoeteians, just as he gave  p61 back other statues to their owners. For Antony took away the finest dedications from the most famous temples, to gratify the Egyptian woman,​6 but Augustus gave them back to the gods.

31 After Rhoeteium come Sigeium, a destroyed city, and the Naval Station and the Harbour of the Achaeans and the Achaean Camp and Stomalimnê,​7 as it is called, and the outlets of the Scamander; for after the Simoeis and the Scamander meet in the plain, they carry down great quantities of alluvium, silt up the coast, and form a blind mouth, lagoons, and marshes. Opposite the Sigeian Promontory on the Chersonesus are Eleussa​8 and the temple of Protesilaüs, both of which I have mentioned in my description of Thrace.9

32 The length of this coast, I mean on a straight voyage from Rhoeteium to Sigeium, and the monument of Achilles, is sixty stadia; 596 and the whole of it lies below Ilium, not only the present Ilium, from which, at the Harbour of the Achaeans, it is about twelve stadia distant, but also the earlier Ilium, which lies thirty stadia farther inland in the direction of Mt. Ida. Now there are a temple and a monument of Achilles near Sigeium, as also monuments of Patroclus and Antilochus; and the Ilians offer sacrifices to all four heroes, both to these and to Aias. But they do not honour Heracles, giving  p63 as their reason his sacking of the city. But one might say that, although Heracles did sack it, yet he sacked it in such a way as still to leave it a city, even though damaged, for those who were later to sack it utterly; and for this reason the poet states it thus: "He sacked the city of Ilios and widowed her streets";​10 for "widowed" means a loss of the male population, not a complete annihilation. But the others, whom they think fit to worship with sacrifices and to honour as gods, completely annihilated the city. Perhaps they might give as their reason for this that these waged a just war, whereas Heracles waged an unjust one "on account of the horses of Laomedon."​11 But writers set over against this reason the myth that it was not on account of the horses but of the reward offered for Hesionê and the sea‑monster.​12 But let us disregard these reasons, for they end merely in controversies about myths. And perhaps we fail to notice certain more credible reasons why it occurred to the Ilians to honour some and not others. And it appears that the poet, in what he says about Heracles, represents the city as small, if it be true that "with only six ships and fewer men he sacked the city of Ilium."​13 And it is clearly shown by this statement that Priam became great and king of kings from a small beginning, as I have said before.​14 Advancing a little farther along this shore, one comes to the Achaeïum, where begins the part of the mainland that belongs to Tenedos.

 p65  33 Such are the places on the sea. Above these lies the Trojan Plain, which extends inland for many stadia in the direction of the east as far as Mt. Ida. The part of this plain alongside the mountain is narrow, extending on one side towards the south as far as the region of Scepsis, and on the other towards the north as far as the Lycians of Zeleia. This is the country which the poet makes subject to Aeneias and the sons of Antenor, calling it Dardania; and below this is Cebrenia, which is level for the most part and lies approximately parallel to Dardania; and in it there was once a city called Cebrenê.​15 Demetrius suspects that the territory of Ilium subject to Hector extended inland from the naval station as far as Cebrenia, for he says that the tomb of Alexander​16 is pointed out there, as also that of Oenonê, who, according to historians, had been the wife of Alexander before he carried off Helen. And, he continues, the poet mentions "Cebriones, bastard son of glorious Priam,"​17 597 after whom, as one may suppose, the country was named — or the city too, which is more plausible; and Cebrenia extends as far as the territory of Scepsis; and the Scamander, which flows between, is the boundary; and the Cebreni and Scepsians were always hostile to one another and at war until Antigonus settled both peoples together in Antigonia, as it was then called, or Alexandreia, as it is now called; now the Cebreni, he adds, remained with the rest in Alexandreia, but the Scepsians, by permission of Lysimachus, went back to their homeland.

 p67  34 From the mountain range of Ida in this region, according to Demetrius, two spurs extend to the sea, one straight to Rhoeteium and the other straight to Sigeium, forming together a semicircular line, and they end in the plain at the same distance from the sea as the present Ilium; this Ilium, accordingly, lies between the ends of the two spurs mentioned, whereas the old settlement lies between their beginnings; and, he adds, the spurs include both the Simoeisian Plain, through which the Simoeis runs, and the Scamandrian Plain, through which the Scamander flows. This is called the Trojan Plain in the special sense of the term; and here it is that the poet represents most of the fights as taking place, for it is wider; and here it is that we see pointed out the places named by the poet — Erineus,​18 the tomb of Aesyetes,​19 Batieia,​20 and the monument of Ilus.​21 The Scamander and Simoeis Rivers, after running near to Sigeium and Rhoeteium respectively, meet a little in front of the present Ilium, and then issue towards Sigeium and form Stomalimnê,​22 as it is called. The two plains above mentioned are separated from each other by a great neck of land which runs in a straight line between the aforesaid spurs, starting from the present Ilium, with which it is connected, and stretches as far as Cebrenia and, along with the spurs on either side,​23 forms a complete letter ϵ.24

 p69  35 A little above this​25 is the Village of the Ilians, where the ancient Ilium is thought to have been situated in earlier times, at a distance of thirty stadia from the present city. And ten stadia above the Village of the Ilians is Callicolonê, a hill, past which, at a distance of five stadia, flows the Simoeis.​26 It therefore becomes easy to understand, first, the reference to Ares: "And over against her leaped Ares, like unto a dreadful whirlwind, in shrill tones cheering the Trojans from the topmost part of the city, and now again as he sped alongside Simoeis o'er Callicolonê";​27 598 for if the battle was fought on the Scamandrian Plain, it is plausible that Ares should at one time shout his cheers from the acropolis and at another from the region near the Simoeis and Callicolonê, up to which, in all probability, the battle would have extended. But since Callicolonê is forty stadia distant from the present Ilium, for what useful purpose would the poet have taken in places so far away that the line of battle could not reached them? Again, the words, "And towards Thymbra fell the lot of the Lycians,"​28 are more suitable to the ancient settlement, for the plain of Thymbra is near it, as also the Thymbrius River, which flows through the plain and empties into the Scamander at the temple of the Thymbraean Apollo, but Thymbra is actually fifty stadia distant from the  p71 present Ilium. And again, Erineus,​29 a place that is rugged and full of wild fig trees, lies at the foot of the ancient site, so that Andromachê might appropriately say, "Stay thy host beside Erineus, where best the city can be approached and the wall scaled,"​30 but Erineus stands at a considerable distance from the present Ilium. Further, a little below Erineus is Phegus,​31 in reference to which Achilles says, "But so long as I was carrying on war amid the Achaeans, Hector was unwilling to rouse battle away from the wall, but would come only as far as the Scaean Gates and Phegus."32

36 However, the Naval Station, still now so called, is so near the present Ilium that one might reasonably wonder at the witlessness of the Greeks and the faint-heartedness of the Trojans; witlessness, if the Greeks kept the Naval Station unwalled for so long a time, when they were near to the city and to so great a multitude, both that in the city and that of the allies; for Homer says that the wall had only recently been built (or else it was not built at all, but fabricated and then abolished by the poet, as Aristotle says); and faint-heartedness, if the Trojans, when the wall was built, could besiege it and break into the Naval Station itself and attack the ships, yet did not have the courage to march up and besiege the station when it was still unwalled and only  p73 a slight distance away; for it is near Sigeium, and the Scamander empties near it, at a distance of only twenty stadia from Ilium. But if one shall say that the Harbour of Achaeans, as it is now called, is the Naval Station, he will be speaking of a place that is still closer, only about twelve stadia from the city, even if one includes the plain by the sea, because the whole of this plain is a deposit of the rivers — I mean the plain by the sea in front of the city; so that, if the distance between the sea and the city is now twelve stadia, it must have been no more than half as great at that time. Further, the feigned story 599 told by Odysseus to Eumaeus clearly indicates that the distance from the Naval Station to the city is great, for after saying, "as when we led our ambush​33 beneath the walls of Troy," he adds a little below, "for we went very far from the ships." And spies are sent forth to find whether the Trojans will stay by the ships "far away," far separated from their own walls, "or will withdraw again to the city."​34 And Polydamas says, "on both sides, friends, bethink ye well, for I, on my own part, bid you now to go to the city; afar from the walls are we."​35 Demetrius cites also Hestiaea of Alexandreia as a witness, a woman who wrote a work on Homer's Iliad and inquired whether  p75 the war took place round the present Ilium and the Trojan Plain, which latter the poet places between the city and the sea; for, she said, the plain now to be seen in front of the present Ilium is a later deposit of the rivers.

37 Again, Polites, "who was wont to sit as a sentinel of the Trojans, trusting in his fleetness of foot, on the topmost part of the barrow of aged Aesyetes,"​36 was doing a foolish thing, for even though he sat on the topmost part of it, still he might have kept watch from the much greater height of the acropolis, at approximately the same distance, with no need of fleetness of foot for safety; for the barrow of Aesyetes now pointed out is five stadia distant on the road to Alexandreia. Neither is the "clear running space"​37 of Hector round the city easy to understand, for the present Ilium has no "clear running space," on account of the ridge that joins it. The ancient city, however, has a "clear running space" round it.

38 But no trace of the ancient city survives; and naturally so, for while the cities all round it were sacked, but not completely destroyed, yet that city was so utterly demolished that all the stones were taken from it to rebuild the others. At any rate, Archaeanax of Mitylenê is said to have built a wall round Sigeium with stones taken from there. Sigeium was seized by Athenians under Phrynon the Olympian victor, although the Lesbians laid claim to almost the whole of the Troad. Most of the settlements in  p77 the Troad belong, in fact, to the Lesbians, and some endure to this day, while others have disappeared. 600 Pittacus of Mitylenê, one of the Seven Wise Men, as they are called, sailed against Phrynon the general​38 and for a time carried on the war, but with poor management and ill consequences. It was at this time that the poet Alcaeus says that he himself, being sorely pressed in a certain battle, threw away his arms and fled. He addresses his story to a certain herald, whom he had bidden to report to the people at home that "Alcaeus is safe, but his arms have been hung up as an offering to Ares by the Attic army in the temple of Athena Glaucopis."​39 But later, on being challenged to single combat by Phrynon, he took up his fishing tackle, ran to meet him, entangled him in his fishing net, and stabbed and slew him with trident and dagger. But since the war still went on, Periander was chosen by both sides as arbiter and ended it.

39 Demetrius says that Timaeus falsifies when he informs us that Periander fortified Achilleium against the Athenians with stones from Ilium, to help the army of Pittacus; for this place, he says, was indeed fortified by the Mitylenaeans against Sigeium, though not with such stones as those, nor yet by Periander.  p79 For how could the opponent of the Athenians have been chosen as arbiter? Achilleium is the place where stands the monument of Achilles and is only a small settlement. Sigeium, also, has been rased to the ground by the Ilians, because of its disobedience; for the whole of the coast as far as Dardanus was later subject to the Ilians and is now subject to them. In ancient times the most of it was subject to the Aeolians, so that Ephorus does not hesitate to apply the name Aeolis to the whole of the coast from Abydus to Cymê.​40 Thucydides says that Troy was taken away from the Mitylenaeans by the Athenians in the Pachetian part​41 of the Peloponnesian War.

40 The present Ilians further tell us that the city was, in fact, not completely wiped out at its capture by the Achaeans and that it was never even deserted. At any rate the Locrian maidens, beginning a little later, were sent every year.​42 But this too is non‑Homeric, for Homer knows not of the violation of Cassandra, but he says that she was a maiden at about that time, "for he​43 slew Othryoneus, a sojourner in Troy from Cabesus, who had but recently come, following after the rumour of war,​44 and he  p81 was asking Cassandra in marriage, the comeliest of the daughters of Priam, without gifts of wooing,"​45 and yet he does not so much as mention any violation of her or say that the destruction of Aias in the shipwreck took place because of the wrath of Athena or any such cause; instead, he speaks of Aias as "hated by Athena,"​46 601 in accordance with her general hatred (for since they one and all committed sacrilege against her temple, she was angry at them all), but says that he was destroyed by Poseidon because of his boastful speech.​47 But the fact is that the Locrian maidens were first sent when the Persians were already in power.

41 So the Ilians tell us, but Homer expressly states that the city was wiped out: "This day shall come when sacred Ilios shall perish";​48 and "surely we have utterly destroyed the steep city of Priam,"​49 "by means of counsels and persuasiveness";​50 "and in the tenth year the city of Priam was destroyed."​51 And other such evidences of the same thing are set forth; for example, that the wooden image of Athena now to be seen stands upright, whereas Homer clearly indicates that it was sitting, for orders are given to "put" the robe "upon Athena's knees"​52 (compare "that never should there sit upon his knees a dear child").​53 For it is better to interpret it​54 in this way than, as some do, to interpret it as  p83 meaning "to put the robe 'beside' her knees," comparing the words "and she sits upon the hearth in the light of the fire," which they take to mean "beside" the hearth. For how could one conceive of the dedication of a robe "beside" the knees? Moreover, others, changing the accent on γούνασιν,​55 accenting it γουνάσιν,​56 like θυιάσιν57 (in whichever of two ways they interpret it), talk on endlessly. . . .​58 There are to be seen many of the ancient wooden images of Athena in a sitting posture, as, for example, in Phocaea, Massalia, Rome, Chios, and several other places. Also the more recent writers agree that the city was wiped out, among whom is the orator Lycurgus,​59 who, in mentioning the city of the Ilians, says: "Who has not heard that once for all it was rased to the ground by the Greeks, and is uninhabited?"

42 It is surmised that those who later thought of refounding the city regarded that site as ill‑omened, either on account of its misfortune or also because, in accordance with an ancient custom, a curse had been laid upon it by Agamemnon, just as Croesus, after he destroyed Sidenê, whither the tyrant Glaucias had fled for refuge, put a curse on any persons who should re‑fortify the site; and that they therefore avoided that place and fortified another. Now the Astypalaeans who held possession of Rhoeteium were the first to settle Polium, now called Polisma, on the Simoeis River, but not on a  p85 well-protected site; and therefore it was soon demolished. It was in the time of the Lydians that the present settlement​60 was founded, as also the temple. It was not a city, however, and it was only after many ages, 602 and gradually, as I have said,​61 that it increased. But Hellanicus, to gratify the Ilians, "such is the spirit of that man,"​62 agrees with them that the present Ilium is the same as the ancient. When the city was wiped out, its territory was divided up between the inhabitants of Sigeium and Rhoeteium and several other neighbouring peoples, but the territory was given back when the place was refounded.

43 The epithet "many-fountained"​63 is thought to be especially applied to Mt. Ida because of the great number of rivers that flow from it, particularly in those parts below it where lie the territory of Dardanus — even as far as Scepsis — and the region of Ilium. Demetrius, who as a native was acquainted with the topography of the country, says in one place as follows: There is a hill of Ida called Cotylus; and this hill lies about one hundred and twenty stadia above Scepsis; and from it flow the Scamander, the Granicus, and the Aesepus, the two latter flowing towards the north and the Propontis and constituting a collection of streams from several sources, while the Scamander flows towards the west from only one source; and all the sources lie close together, being comprised within a distance of twenty stadia; but the end of the Aesepus stands farthest away from its beginning, approximately five hundred stadia. But it is a matter of argument what the poet means when he says: "And they came to the two  p87 far‑flowing streams, where well up the two springs of eddying Scamander; for the one flows with soft water"​64 (that is, with "hot water"), and the poet adds, "and round about a smoke arises from it as if from a blazing fire, whereas the other even in summer flows forth cold as hail or chill snow." But, in the first place, no hot waters are now to be found at the site,​65 and, secondly, the source of the Scamander is not to be found there, but in the mountain; and it has only one source, not two. It is reasonable to suppose, therefore, that the hot spring has given out, and that the cold one is evacuated from the Scamander through an under­ground passage and rises to the surface here, or else that because of the nearness of the Scamander this water is called a source of the Scamander; for people are wont to ascribe several sources to one and the same river in this way.

44 The Scamander is joined by the Andirus, which flows from Caresenê, a mountainous country settled with many villages and beautifully cultivated; it extends alongside Dardania as far as the regions of Zeleia and Pityeia. It is said that the country was named after the Caresus River, which is named by the poet, "Rhesus, Heptaporus, Caresus, and Rhodius,"​66 and that the city of the same name as the river was torn down. Again, Demetrius says as follows: "The Rhesus River is now called Rhoeites, unless it be that the river which empties into the Granicus is the Rhesus. The Heptaporus,  p89 603 also called Polyporus, is crossed seven times by one travelling from the region of the Beautiful Pine to the village called Melaenae and the Asclepieium that was founded by Lysimachus. Concerning the Beautiful Pine, King Attalus the First writes as follows: "Its circumference is twenty-four feet; and its trunk rises to a height of sixty-seven feet from the root and then splits into three forks equidistant from one another, and then contracts again into one head, thus completing a total height of two plethra and fifteen cubits."​67 It is one hundred and eighty stadia distant from Adramyttium, to the north of it. The Caresus flows from Malus, a place situated between Palaescepsis and the Achaeïum, the part of the mainland that belongs to the Tenedians;​68 and it empties into the Aesepus. The Rhodius flows from Cleandria and Gordus, which are sixty stadia distant from the Beautiful Pine; and it empties into the Aenius.69

45 In the dale of the Aesepus, on the left of the stream, one comes first to Polichna, a place enclosed by walls; and then to Palaescepsis; and then to Alizonium (this last name having been fabricated​70 to support the hypothesis about the Halizones, whom I have already discussed);​71 and then to Caresus, which is deserted, and Caresenê, and the river of the same name,​72 which also forms a notable dale, though smaller than that of the Aesepus; and next follow the plains and plateaux of Zeleia,  p91 which are beautifully cultivated. On the right of the Aesepus, between Polichna and Palaescepsis, one comes to Nea​73 Comê and Argyria,​74 and this again is a name fabricated to support the same hypothesis, in order to save the words, "where is the birthplace of silver."​75 Now where is Alybê, or Alopê, or however they wish to alter the spelling of the name?​76 For having once made their bold venture, they should have rubbed their faces​77 and fabricated this name too, instead of leaving it lame and readily subject to detection. Now these things are open to objections of this kind, but, in the case of the others, or at least most of them, I take it for granted that we must give heed to him​78 as a man who was acquainted with the region and a native of it, who gave enough thought to this subject to write thirty books of commentary on a little more than sixty lines of Homer, that is, on the Catalogue of the Trojans.​79 He says, at any rate, that Palaescepsis is fifty stadia distant from Aenea and thirty from the Aesepus River, and that from this Palaescepsis​80 the same name was extended to several other sites. But I shall return to the coast at the point where I left off.

The Editor's Notes:

1 13.1.11.

2 See "Cynos-Sema" and foot-note in Vol. III, p377.

3 Iliad 12.20.

4 On the site of Ophrynium, see Leaf, p153.

5 Leaf, p154, following Calvert, emends "Lake" to "Harbour."

6 Cleopatra.

7 "Mouth-of‑the‑marsh."

8 "Eleussa" appears to be an error for "Eleus."

9 Book VII, Frags. 51, 54, 55.

10 Iliad 5.642.

11 Iliad 5.640.

12 To appease the anger of Poseidon, Laomedon exposed his daughter Hesionê on the promontory Agameia (see Stephanus s.v.) to be devoured by a sea‑monster. Heracles promised to kill the monster and save Hesionê if Laomedon would give him his immortal horses. Laomedon agreed. Heracles fulfilled his promise, but Laomedon refused to give up the horses, and hence the war.

13 Iliad 5.641.

14 12.8.7, 13.1.7.

15 So the name is spelled in § 47, but "Cebren" in §52.

16 Paris.

17 Iliad 16.738.

18 "Fig tree." Iliad 6.433.

19 Iliad 2.793.

20 Iliad 2.813.

21 Iliad 10.415.

22 See 13.1.31 and foot-note.

23 These spurs forming a semi-circular line, as stated above.

24 i.e. the uncial letter written backwards (϶). See Leaf's diagram, p175.

25 i.e. a little farther inland than the country which has the shape of the letter in question.

26 See critical note.

The critical note to the Greek text (πενταστάδιον διέχων) reads:

διέχων, Corais, from conj. of Palmer, for ἔχων; i has κύκλον after ἔχων, and so Eustathius reads (note on Iliad 20.47, 53). The scholiast (quoted by C. Müller, Ind. Var. Lect. p1024) quotes Demetrius as saying that this hill is "five stadia in perimeter . . ., five stadia distant from the Simoeis, and ten stadia distant from the village of the Ilians."

27 Iliad 20.51.

28 Iliad 10.430.

29 See foot-note on "Erineus," § 34 above.

30 Iliad 6.433.

31 Oak tree.

32 Iliad 9.352.

33 Odyssey 14.469.

34 Iliad 10.209.

35 Iliad 18.254.

36 Iliad 2.792.

37 See Iliad 2.812.

38 The Athenian general.

39 Only this fragment (Bergk 32) of Alcaeus' poem, addressed to Melanippus (see Herodotus 5.95), is preserved. But the text has been so badly mutilated by the copyists that none of the conjectural restorations can with certainty be adopted; and hence the translator can give only the general sense of the passage. However, the whole reference to Alcaeus appears to be merely a note that has crept into the text from the margin (see critical note).

The critical note to the Greek text, after Ἀλκαῖος σόος Ἄρει ἔντεα δ’† οὐκυτὸν ἁληκτορὶν ἐς Γλαυκωποῦ ἱερὸν ἀνεκρέμασαν Ἀττικοί, reads:

Meineke, following conj. of Kramer, ejects ὅτε . . . Ἀττικοί. The passage Ἀλκαῖος . . . Ἀττικοί, from σόος to ἀνεκρέμασαν, has been so badly mutilated by the copyists that it is impossible to do more in a translation than to give the general sense of it. For conjectural restorations see Kramer, C. Müller (Ind. Var. Lect. p1025), and Bergk (Vol. III Frag. 32 of Alcaeus), who reads ἐνθάδ’ οὐκυτὸν ἁληκτορὶν ἐς γλαυκωπὸν ἱερὸν ὃν ἐκρέμασαν Ἀττικοί. Meineke and Leaf omit the whole passage.

40 See 13.1.4.

41 i.e. the campaign of Paches, the Athenian general, who in 427 B.C. captured Mitylenê (see Thucydides 3.18‑49).

42 To appease the wrath of Athena, caused after the Trojan War by the sacrilege of Aias the Locrian in her temple (he dragged Cassandra away from the altar of the Palladium), the Locrians were instructed by an oracle from Delphi to send to her temple (as temple slaves) at Ilium two maidens every year for a thousand years. It appears that the servitude of the maidens lasted for only one year, each pair being released at the end of the year when the next pair arrived, but that upon their return home they were forced to remain unmarried (see Leaf, Annual of the British School at Athens, XXI, pp148‑154).

43 Idomeneus, son of Minos and King of Crete; one of the bravest heroes of the war.

44 Or perhaps "in quest of war's renown" (Leaf).

45 Iliad 13.363. Homer mentions Cassandra in only two other places, Iliad 24.699 and Odyssey 11.422.

46 Odyssey 4.502.

47 Odyssey 4.500 ff.

48 Iliad 6.448.

49 Odyssey 3.130.

50 This phrase is not found in the Iliad or Odyssey, but once before (1.2.4) Strabo has ascribed it to Homer (see critical note).

The critical note to the Greek text, after βουλῇ καὶ μύθοισι, reads:

The MSS., except moz, which omit βουλῇ καὶ μύθοισι, have εἴπερ before these words.

51 Iliad 12.15.

52 Iliad 6.92, 273.

53 Iliad 9.455.

54 i.e. the Greek preposition ἐπί, which more naturally means "upon" rather than "beside."

55 "Knees."

56 They obviously took γουνάσιν, if there ever was such a word, to mean "female suppliants."

57 "Maenads."

58 See critical note.

The critical note to the Greek text (εἶθ’ ἱκετεύοντές τε φρένας) reads:

The words εἶθ’ ἱκετεύοντές τε φρένας are unintelligible. Meineke emends to εἶθ’ ἱκετείας ἑρμηνεύοντες εἴτε φρένας; Leaf translates (with a question mark) "whether as suppliants or mind"! Jones conj. that the words ἐπὶ (or ἐν) τῇ τέφρᾳ ("in the ashes"), referring to ἐπ’ ἐσχάρῃ, are hidden in τε φρένας.

59 Against Leocrates, 62.

60 i.e. of Ilium.

61 13.1.26.

62 A quotation from Iliad 15.94.

63 Cf. 13.1.5.

64 Iliad 22.147.

65 i.e. of Troy.

66 Iliad 12.20.

67 About 225 feet.

68 See end of § 32.

69 "Aenius" appears to be an error for "Aesepus," as suggested by Kramer. See Leaf, p207.

70 i.e. by Demetrius.

71 12.3.20‑27.

72 The Caresus, of course.

73 Leaf emends "Nea" ("New") to "Aenea" (see critical note).

The critical note to the Greek text (ἡ Νέα Κώμη) reads:

Νέα appears to be an error for Αἰνέα, and Leaf so reads. This appears to be the same village mentioned in the same paragraph below (Αἰνέας) and in 12.3.23 (Ἐνέαν Κώμην)

74 Silvertown.

75 Iliad 2.856.

76 See 12.3.21.

77 i.e. to make them red and thus conceal their blushes of shame.

78 i.e. Demetrius of Scepsis.

79 Iliad 2.816‑877.

80 Old Scepsis.

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Page updated: 21 Apr 18