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This webpage reproduces part of the essay
Apophthegmata Romana


as published in Vol. III
of the Loeb Classical Library edition, 1931

The text is in the public domain.

This page has been carefully proofread
and I believe it to be free of errors.
If you find a mistake though,
please let me know!


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Part 2

(Vol. III) Plutarch, Moralia

 p155  Sayings of Romans
(Part 1 of 2)

(194e) Manius Curius​1

1 When some complained against Manius Curius because he apportioned to each man but a small part of the land taken from the enemy, and made the most of it public land, he prayed that there might never be a Roman who would regard as small the land that gave him enough to live on.2

f 2 When the Samnites came to him after their defeat and offered him money, he happened to be cooking turnips in pots. He made answer to the Samnites that he had no need of money when he could make his dinner from this sort of food; and for him it was better than having money to hold sway over those who had it.3

Gaius Fabricius​4

1 Gaius Fabricius, upon learning of the defeat of  p157 the Romans by Pyrrhus, said, "Pyrrhus has defeated Laevinus, but the Epirotes have not defeated the Romans."5

2 When he came to see Pyrrhus about ransoming the prisoners of war, Pyrrhus offered him much money, but he would not accept it. 195On the following day Pyrrhus made ready his biggest elephant, all unknown to Fabricius, to appear and trumpet suddenly behind his back; and when this plan had been carried out, Fabricius turned and said with a smile, "Neither your money yesterday nor your beast to‑day has astounded me."6

3 Pyrrhus urged Fabricius to stay with him and be the second in command, but Fabricius said, "But there is no advantage in this for you; for, if the Epirotes come to know us both, they will prefer to be ruled by me rather than by you."7

4 When Fabricius was consul,​8 Pyrrhus's physician sent a letter to him, boffering, if he should give the word, to kill Pyrrhus by poison. Fabricius sent the letter to Pyrrhus, bidding him note the reason why he was the worst possible judge both of friends and of foes.9

5 Pyrrhus, having thus discovered the plot, caused his physician to be hanged, and gave back all the prisoners of war to Fabricius without ransom. Fabricius, however, would not accept them as a gift, but gave an equal number in return, lest he should give the impression that he was getting a reward. "For," as he said, "it was not to win favour with  p159 Pyrrhus that he had disclosed the plot, but that the Romans might not have the repute of killing through treachery, as if they could not win an open victory."10

c Fabius Maximus​11

1 Fabius Maximus wished to avoid a battle with Hannibal, but, in time, to wear out his force, which was in need of both money and food; and so he followed close after him, taking a parallel route, through rough and mountainous places. When most people laughed at him, and called him a slave in attendance on Hannibal, he paid little attention, and continued to follow his own counsels. To his friends he said that he thought the man who feared gibes and jeers was more of a coward than the one who ran away from the enemy.12

2 When his colleague in command, Minucius, laid low some of the enemy, and there was much talk of him as a man worthy of Rome, Fabius said dthat he felt more afraid over Minucius's good luck than over any bad luck he might have. And not long after, Minucius fell into an ambush and was in great danger of being destroyed together with his forces, when Fabius came to his aid, slew many of the enemy, and rescued him. Whereupon Hannibal said to his friends, "Did I not often prophesy to you regarding that cloud upon the mountains, that some day it would let loose a storm upon us?"13

3 After the misfortune which befell the State at Cannae​14 he was chosen consul with Claudius Marcellus,  p161 a man possessed of daring and spoiling for a fight with Hannibal. Fabius hoped, if nobody fought with Hannibal, that Hannibal's forces, being under continual strain, would soon give out. Wherefore Hannibal said ethat he had more to fear from Fabius who would not fight than from Marcellus who would.15

4 A certain Lucanian soldier was accused of wandering often from the camp at night for love of a young woman. Fabius, on hearing the accusation, ascertained that in other respects the man was an admirable man-at‑arms, and he ordered that they secretly seize the man's mistress and bring her to him. When she was brought, he sent for the man, and said to him, f"Your being away at night, contrary to the regulations, has not passed unnoticed, nor, on the other hand, your own good service in the past. Therefore let your offences be atoned for by your brave and manly deeds, and in future you will be with us, for I have a surety." And leading forward the girl he presented her to him.16

5 Hannibal kept the Tarentines in subjection by a garrison — all the city except the acropolis. Fabius drew him away a very long distance by a trick, and captured and sacked the city. When his secretary asked him what decision he had reached in regard to the sacred images, he said, "Let us leave behind for the Tarentines their angered gods."17

6 Marcus Livius, who had all the time held the acropolis with his garrison, said that it was because of him that the city had been taken. The others laughed at him, 196but Fabius said, "You are quite  p163 right; for, if you had not lost the city, I should not have recaptured it."18

7 When he was already an elderly man, his son was consul, and was attending to the duties of the office in public in presence of a large number of people. Fabius, mounted, was advancing on horseback. When the young man sent a lictor, and ordered his father to dismount, the others were thrown into consternation, but Fabius, leaping from his horse, ran up more nimbly than his years warranted, and, embracing his son, said, "Well done, my boy; you show sense in that you realize whose official you are, and what a high office you have taken upon you."19

b The Elder Scipio​20

1 Scipio the Elder used to spend on literature all the leisure he could win from his military and political duties, and he used to say that he was busiest whenever he had nothing to do.21

2 When he captured Carthage​22 by assault, some of his soldiers, having taken captive a comely maiden, came to him with her, and offered to give her to him. "I would gladly take her," said he, "if I were a private and not a commander."23

 p165  3 While he was besieging the city of Baria,​24 in which was visible a temple of Venus overtopping all else, he ordered that in giving sureties for appearance they should specify that place, since he purposed two days hence to hear litigants in this temple of Venus. cAnd so he did, as he had foretold, after the city had been taken.25

4 When somebody inquired in Sicily on what he placed his reliance in purposing to take his army across to Carthage, he pointed out to the inquirer three hundred men​26 in armour, who were drilling, and also a lofty tower which over­looked the sea. "There is not one of these men," said he, "who would not go up to the top of that tower and throw himself down head first at my command."

5 When he had crossed over, and was master of the land, and had burned the enemy's camps, the Carthaginians sent to him and made a treaty of peace, agreeing to surrender their elephants and ships, dand to pay an indemnity.​27 But when Hannibal had sailed back from Italy, they were sorry because of their agreement, since they did not now feel afraid. Scipio, learning this, said that, not even if they wished it, would he keep the compact unless they paid a million pounds more, because they had sent for Hannibal.28

6 When the Carthaginians had been utterly overthrown, they sent envoys to him to negotiate a treaty of peace, but he ordered those who had come to go away at once, refusing to listen to them before  p167 they brought Lucius Terentius. This Terentius was a Roman, a man of good talents, who had been taken prisoner by the Carthaginians. eAnd when they came bringing the man, Scipio seated him on the tribune next to himself in the conference, and, this done, he took up the negotiations with the Carthaginians, and terminated the war.29

7 Terentius marched behind him in the triumphal procession, wearing a felt cap just like an emancipated slave.​30 And when Scipio died, Terentius provided wine with honey for all who attended the funeral to drink their fill, and did everything else connected with his burial on a grand scale. But this, of course, was later.31

8 Antiochus the king,​32 after the Romans had crossed over to according to attack him,​33 sent to Scipio to ask about terms of peace. f"This should have been done before," said Scipio, "but not now, when you have taken the bit and the rider is in the saddle."34

9 The Senate voted that he should receive a sum of money from the treasury, but the treasurers were not willing to open it on that day; whereupon he said that he would open it himself, for the reason it was kept closed, he declared, was because he had filled it with so much money.35

10 When Petillius and Quintus brought before the people many accusations against him, he remarked that on this very day he had conquered the Carthaginians and Hannibal, and he said that he himself, with a garland on, was on his way up to the Capitol to offer sacrifice, and he bade anyone who so  p169 wished to give in his vote about him. 197With these words he went his way, and the people followed after, leaving behind his accusers still speaking.36

Titus Quintius​37

1 Titus Quintius, from the very first, was a man of such conspicuous talent that he was chosen consul without having been tribune, praetor, or aedile.​38 He was sent in command of the army against Philip, and was prevailed upon to meet him in conference. Philip insisted that he ought to receive some Romans as a guarantee of his safety, since Quintius was accompanied by many of his countrymen and he all alone represented the Macedonians. "The truth is," said Quintius, "that it is you who have made yourself all alone by putting to death your friends and kindred."39

b2 Having vanquished Philip in battle,​40 he proclaimed at the Isthmian games that henceforth he left the Greeks free and independent.​41 Whereupon, all the Romans who had been taken captive in the days of Hannibal and were the slaves of Greek masters the Greeks purchased from their owners at twenty pounds for each man, and gave them as a present to Quintius; and these followed him in his triumphal procession wearing felt caps on their heads as is the custom for slaves that have been emancipated.42

 p171  3 When the Achaeans were minded to send an army against the island of the Zacynthians, he bade them beware lest, cif they extended their head, tortoise-like, outside of the Peloponnesus they should find themselves in danger.43

4 When Antiochus the king, with a great force, arrived in Greece, and all were terror-stricken at the great numbers of the men and their armament, Flamininus told a story for the benefit of the Achaeans as follows: He said that he was in Chalcis dining with a friend, and was amazed at the great number of the meats served. But his friend said that these were all pork, differing only in their seasoning and the way they were cooked. "So then," he said, "do not you, either, be amazed at the king's forces when you hear the names: 'pikemen,' d'panoplied,' 'foot-guards,' 'archers with two horses.' For all these are but Syrians differing from one another only in their paraphernalia."44

5 He made a joke at the expense of Philopoemen, general of the Achaeans, who had plenty of horsemen and men-at‑arms, but was not well off for money; Quintius said that Philopoemen had arms and legs but no belly. As a matter of fact, Philopoemen, in physical appearance, was something like this.45

Gnaeus Domitius​46

Gnaeus Domitius, whom Scipio the Great appointed in his stead as a colleague for his brother Lucius in the war against Antiochus, when he had inspected the battle-line of the enemy, eand the officers of his  p173 staff urged him to attack at once, said that there was not time enough to hew down so many thousands, plunder their baggage, return to camp, and enjoy their usual comforts; but all this they would do on the morrow at the right time. And on the next day he engaged the enemy, and slew fifty thousand of them.47

Publius Licinius​48

Publius Licinius, consul in command of the army, was defeated by Perseus, king of the Macedonians, in a cavalry battle, fwith the loss of two thousand eight hundred men killed or captured. After the battle, when Perseus sent envoys regarding a treaty of peace, the vanquished bade the victor submit his case to the Romans.49

Paulus Aemilius​50

1 Paulus Aemilius, when he was a candidate for a second term as consul, failed of election. But when the war against Perseus and the Macedonians dragged on because of the inexperience and effeminacy of the generals, the people appointed him consul. But he said he owed no thanks to them; for it was not because he wanted office, but because they wanted an officer, that he was chosen general.51

2 Coming home from the Forum and finding Tertia, his little daughter, in tears, he asked the reason. 198And she said: "Our Perseus is dead." (It  p175 was a pet dog which had that name.) "Good luck be with me, my girl," said he; "I accept the omen."52

3 Finding at camp much boldness and talk on the part of would‑be generals and meddlers, he told them to keep quiet, and only sharpen their swords, and he would attend to everything else.53

4 He gave orders that the sentinels at night should stand guard without spear or sword, so that, with no hope of defending themselves against the enemy, they might better contend against sleep.54

5 Having invaded Macedonia by way of the mountains, and seeing the enemy standing in battle array, he said, bin answer to Nasica's urgings to attack at once, "Oh yes, if I were of your age; but much experience forbids me to fight, immediately after a march, against an army standing in battle array."55

6 Having vanquished Perseus, he said, as he was carrying out the entertainments to celebrate the victory, that it was a part of the same proficiency to provide an army most terrifying to an enemy and a party most agreeable to friends.56

7 Perseus, having been made a prisoner, indignantly spurned the thought of being made a part of his victor's triumph. "That rests with you," said Aemilius, thereby giving him leave to make away with himself.57

 p177  8 Of the unlimited treasure which was found che took nothing himself, but to his son-in‑law Tubero​58 he gave a silver goblet of five pounds weight in recognition of his supreme valour. And this, they say, is the first silver heirloom that ever found its way into the Aelian house.59

9 Of the four male children that were born to him, two he happened to have given to others for adoption.​60 Of the two that were at home one died five days before his triumph, at the age of fourteen, and the other five days after the triumph, at the age of twelve. When he went forth, and the people expressed their compassion and sympathy, dhe said that now he had no fears or misgivings about his country, since Fortune had thrust upon his house the retribution due for all their good fortune, and he had received this in behalf of all.61

Cato the Elder​62

1 The Elder Cato, in assailing the profligacy and extravagance rife among the people, said that it was hard to talk to a belly which had no ears.63

2 He said he wondered how a city could continue to exist unscathed in which a fish sold for more than an ox!64

3 In bitter criticism of the prevalent domination of women, he said, "All mankind rules its women,  p179 and we rule all mankind, but our women rule us."65

e4 He said that he preferred to receive no thanks when he had done a favour rather than to suffer no punishment when he had done a wrong, and that he always granted pardon to all who erred, with the single exception of himself.66

5 In trying to stimulate the officials to administer sharp rebuke to the erring, he used to say that, if those who have the power to discourage crime do not discourage it, then they encourage it.67

6 He said that it gave him more joy to see those of the youth that blushed than those that blanched.68

7 He said that he hated a solder who plied his hands in marching and his feet in fighting, and whose snore was louder than his battle-cry.69

f8 He said that the worst ruler is one who cannot rule himself.70

9 He thought it especially necessary for every man to respect himself, since no man is ever separated from himself.

10 Seeing that statues were being set up in honour of many men, he said, "As for myself, I had rather that men should ask why there is not a statue of Cato than why there is."71

11 He charged those in power to be sparing of their authority, so that authority might continue always to be theirs.

12 He used to say that those who rob virtue of honour rob youth of virtue.

 p181  13 An official or a judge, he said, ought neither to require importuning to grant what is right nor to yield to importuning to grant what is wrong.

199 14 Wrongdoing, he used to say, even if it brings no risk to its authors, brings risk to all.

15 He used to say that, since there are so many odious things connected with old age, it is only right not to add the odium which comes from vice.72

16 He had an idea that the man who has lost his temper differs from him who has lost his mind only in duration of time.73

17 He said that those who use their good fortune reasonably and moderately are least envied; for people envy not us but our surroundings.

18 He used to say that those who are serious in ridiculous matters will be ridiculous in serious matters.

19 He used to say that it is necessary to make good deeds secure by means of good deeds, so that they may not fall off in their repute.

20 He used to rebuke the citizens for electing always the same men to office. b"For," said he, "you will give the impression that you hold office to be of no great worth, or else that you hold not many men to be worthy of office."74

21 He pretended to be amazed at the man who had sold his lands bordering on the sea as being himself stronger than the sea. "For," said he, "what the sea only laps, this man has easily drunk up."75

22 When he was a candidate for the censor­ship, and saw the other candidates soliciting the populace and flattering them, he himself cried out that the  p183 people had need of a stern physician and a thorough cleansing; they must choose not the most agreeable but the most inexorable man. As a result of his words he was the first choice of the electors.76

23 In instructing the young men to fight boldly, che said that ofttimes talk is better than the sword and the voice better than the hand to rout and bewilder the enemy.77

24 When he was waging war against the peoples living by the river Baetis,​78 he was put in great peril by the vast numbers of the enemy. The Celtiberians were ready and willing to come to his aid for forty thousand pounds, but the other Romans were against agreeing to pay barbarian men. Cato said they were all wrong; for if they were victorious, the payment would come not from themselves, but from the enemy; and if they were vanquished there would be no debtors and no creditors.79

d25 He captured cities more in number, as he says, than the days he spent among the enemy, yet he himself took nothing from the enemy's country beyond what he ate and drank.80

26 He distributed to each soldier a pound of silver, saying it was better that many should return from the campaign with silver than a few with gold. For the officials, he said, ought to accept no other increase in the provinces except the increase of their repute.81

27 He had five persons to wait upon him in the  p185 campaign, one of whom bought three of the captives. But when he discovered that Cato knew of it, he did not wait to come before his master, but hanged himself.82

e28 He was urged by Scipio Africanus to lend his influence to help the banished Achaeans to return to their homes, but he made as though he cared nothing about the matter; in the Senate, however, where the subject aroused much discussion, he arose and said, "We sit here as if we had nothing to do, debating about some poor old Greeks whether they shall be carried to their graves by bearers who live in our country or in Greece."83

29 Postumius Albinus wrote a history in the Greek language, in which he craved the indulgence of his readers. fCato said sarcastically that he ought to be granted indulgence if he had written the book under compulsion by a decree of the Amphictyonicº Council!84

Scipio the Younger​85

1 The Younger Scipio, they say, in the fifty-four years of his life bought nothing, sold nothing, built nothing, and left only thirty-three pounds of silver and two of gold in a great estate. So little he left, in spite of the fact that he was master of Carthage, and was the one among the generals who had made his soldiers richest.86

2 He observed the precept of Polybius, and tried  p187 never to leave the Forum before he had in some way made an acquaintance and friend of somebody among those who spoke with him.87

200 3 While he was still a young man he had such repute for bravery and sagacity that when Cato the Elder was asked about the men in the army at Carthage, of whom Scipio was one, he said,

He, and he only, has wisdom; the rest are but fluttering shadows.​88

4 When he came to Rome from a campaign, the people called him to office,​89 not by way of showing favour to him, but hoping through him to capture Carthage speedily and easily.

5 After he had passed the outer wall, the Carthaginians stoutly defended themselves in the citadel. He perceived that the sea lying between was not very deep, and Polybius advised him to scatter in it iron balls with projecting points,​a or else to throw into it planks with spikes bso that the enemy might not cross and attack the Roman ramparts.​90 But Scipio said that it was ridiculous, after they were in possession of the walls and well within the city, to endeavour to avoid fighting the enemy.91

6 He found the city full of Greek statues and votive offerings, which had come from Sicily, and so  p189 he caused proclamation to be made that the men from those cities who were there might identify them and carry them away.92

7 He would not allow either slave or freedman of his to take anything or even buy anything from the spoil, when everybody was engaged in looting and plundering.93

c8 He was active in the support of Gaius Laelius, the dearest of his friends, when he was a candidate for the consul­ship, and he inquired of Pompey​94 whether he also was a candidate. (It was reputed that Pompey was the son of a flute-player.) Pompey said that he was not a candidate, and offered to take Laelius about with him and help him in his canvass, and they, believing his words and waiting for his co-operation, were completely deceived. For it was reported that Pompey was himself going about and soliciting the citizens. The others were indignant, but Scipio laughed and said, "It is because of our own stupidity; for, just as if we were intending to call not upon men but upon gods, we have been wasting any amount of time in waiting for a flute-player!"95

9 When Appius Claudius was his rival​96 for the censor­ship, dand asserted that he greeted all the Romans by name, while Scipio knew hardly one of them, Scipio said, "You are quite right; for I have not taken such pains to know many as to be unknown to none."97

10 He bade the people, inasmuch as they happened to be waging war against the Celtiberians, to send  p191 out both himself and his rival either as legates or tribunes of the soldiers, and take the word and judgment of the fighting men in regard to the valour of each.

11 After he was made censor, he deprived a young knight of his horse because, at the time when war was being waged against Carthage, ethis young man had given an expensive dinner for which he had ordered an honey-cake to be made in the form of the city, and, calling this Carthage, he set it before the company for them to plunder. When the young man asked the reason why he had been degraded, Scipio said, "Because you plundered Carthage before I did!"

12 Seeing Gaius Licinius coming before him, he said, "I know that this man is guilty of perjury, but, since no one accuses him, I cannot myself be both accuser and judge."98

13 He was sent out by the Senate a third time for the purpose, as Cleitomachus​99 says, of

Looking upon men's arrogant acts and their acts of good order,​100

that is, as an inspector of cities, peoples, and kings; and when he arrived at Alexandria fand, after disembarking, was walking with his toga covering his head, the Alexandrians quickly surrounded him, and insisted that he uncover and show his face to their yearning eyes. And so he uncovered amid shouting and applause. The king could hardly keep up with  p193 them in walking because of his inactive life and his pampering of his body,​101 and Scipio whispered softly to Panaetius, 201"Already the Alexandrians have received some benefit from our visit. For it is owing to us that they have seen their king walk."102

14 His one companion on his travels was a friend Panaetius, a philosopher, and there were five servants. When one of these died in a foreign land, he did not wish to buy another, and so sent for one from Rome.103

15 Inasmuch as the Numantians seemed invincible in battle and had vanquished many generals, the people made Scipio consul the second time​104 for this war. When many were eager to enlist for the campaign, the Senate intervened, on the ground that Italy would be unprotected. Moreover, they would not allow him to take money from what was already on hand, bbut set aside for his use the revenues from taxes not yet due. Scipio said that he did not need money, for his own and that of his friends would be sufficient; but in regard to the soldiers he did find fault.​105 For he said that the war was a hard war; first it was owing to the bravery of the enemy that they had been vanquished so many times, then it was hard because it was against such men; if it was owing to the want of bravery in their own citizens, then it was hard because it must be conducted with such men.

16 When he arrived at the camp, and found there much disorder, licentiousness, superstition, and luxury, he straightway drove out the soothsayers, diviners, and panders, cand issued orders to send  p195 away all camp-utensils except a pot, a spit, and an earthenware drinking-cup. But he conceded a goblet of silverware of not more than two pounds weight to those who wished to keep such. He forbade bathing, and of those who took a rub-down he required that each man should rub himself, saying that the pack-animals, not being provided with hands, needed somebody to rub them. He also issued orders that they might recline at dinner, and this should be bread or porridge simply, and meat roasted or boiled. He himself went about with a black cloak pinned around him, saying that he was in mourning for the disgrace of the army.106

17 He detected in the baggage carried by the pack-animals of Memmius, a military tribune, dwine-coolers set with precious stones, the work of Thericles,​107 and said to him, "By such conduct you have made yourself useless to me and your country for thirty days,​108 but useless to yourself for your whole lifetime."109

18 When another man showed him a shield beautifully ornamented, he said, "A fine shield, young sir; but it is more fitting that a Roman rest his hopes in his right hand rather than in his left."110

19 Another carrying a timber for the palisade said that it was awfully heavy. "Very likely," said Scipio, "for you put more trust in this wood than in your sword."111

 p197  20 Observing the recklessness of the enemy, he said that he himself was buying security with time; for a good general, like a physician, needed to operate with steel only as a last resort.​112 eNevertheless he attacked at the proper time and routed the Numantians.113

21 When the older men asked the defeated soldiers why they were such cowards as to flee from the men they had so often pursued, one of the Numantians is said to have replied that the sheep were still the same sheep, but another man was their shepherd.

22 After he had captured Numantia and celebrated his second triumph, he had a falling out with Gaius Gracchus in regard to the Senate and the allies; and the people, feeling much aggrieved, set out to shout him down on the rostra. fBut he said, "The battle-cry of armed hosts has never discomfited me, and much less that of a rabble of whom I know full well that Italy is not their real mother, but their stepmother."114

23 When the men about Gracchus cried out, "Kill the tyrant," he said, "Very naturally those who feel hostile towards our country wish to make away with me first; for it is not possible for Rome to fall while Scipio stands, nor for Scipio to live when Rome has fallen."

The Editor's Notes:

1 M. Curius Dentatus, consul 290 B.C., and twice later. He conquered the Samnites and defeated Pyrrhus.

2 Cf. Pliny, Natural History, XVIII.4 (18); Columella, I.3.10; Valerius Maximus, IV.3.5; Frontinus, Strategemata, IV.3.12.

3 There are many references to this incident as typical of the simple life; cf. for example Plutarch's Life of Cato Major, chap. ii (337A); Athenaeus, 419A; Cicero, De Republica, III.28 (40); Pliny, Natural History, XIX.26 (87); Valerius Maximus, IV.3.5. Frontinus, Strategemata, IV.3.2, and Aulus Gellius, I.14, strangely enough, attribute the remark to Fabricius.

4 A Roman of the old school, simple and honest; consul 282 and 278 B.C. In the later consul­ship he was in command against Pyrrhus.

5 Cf. Plutarch's Life of Pyrrhus, chap. xviii (394C). The defeat of Laevinus was in 280 B.C.

6 Ibid. chap. xx (395E).

7 Ibid. chap. xx (396A).

8 In 278 B.C.

9 Cf. Plutarch's Life of Pyrrhus, chap. xxi (396B); Cicero, De officiisI.13 (40), and III.22 (86); Valerius Maximus, VI.5.1; Aulus Gellius, III.8; Frontinus, Strategemata, IV.4.2.

10 Cf. Plutarch's Life of Pyrrhus, chap. xxi (396D).

11 Five times consul; dictator 217 B.C. to conduct the war against Hannibal. From his cautious tactics in the war he was called "Cunctator."

12 Cf. Plutarch's Life of Fabius Maximus, chap. v (177A); Diodorus, XXVI.3.1.

13 Cf. Plutarch's Life of Fabius Maximus, chaps. viii, xi, and xii (179A, 180D, and 181C); Livy, XXII.25.

14 In 216 B.C.

15 Plutarch's Life of Fabius Maximus, chap. xix (185A‑C).

16 Ibid. chap. xx (186A‑C). Cf. also Valerius Maximus, VII.3.7.

17 Cf. Plutarch's Life of Fabius Maximus, chap. xxii (187A‑C); Livy, XXVII.16.

18 Cf. Plutarch's Life of Fabius Maximus, chap. xxiii (187E); Cicero, De oratore, II.67 (273), and De senectute, 4 (11).

19 Cf. Plutarch's Life of Fabius Maximus, chap. xxiv (188A); Livy, XXIV.44; Valerius Maximus, II.2.4; Aulus Gellius, II.2.

20 Scipio Africanus Major, 235‑183 B.C., conqueror of the Carthaginians at Zama.

21 Cf. Cicero, De officiis, III.1 "numquam se minus otiosum esse quam cum otiosus . . . esset."

22 New Carthage in Spain, 210 B.C.; Polybius, X.8‑19; Livy, XXVII.7 and XXVI.42‑51.

23 Cf. Polybius, X.19; Polyaenus, Strategemata, VIII.16.6; Livy, XXVI.50; Valerius Maximus, IV.3.1; Frontinus, Strategemata, II.11.5; Aulus Gellius, VII(VI).8.

24 Baria, attested by inscriptions, is probably the right spelling (variants: Barea, Bareia, Badia, Batheia), if the same town is meant.

25 Cf. Valerius Maximus, III.7.1; and Aulus Gellius, VI.1.

26 As in Livy, XXIX.1; Valerius Maximus, VII.3.3.

27 Polybius, XV.18, and Livy, XXX.16, indicate similar terms.

28 Not noted in Livy, XXX.35, nor elsewhere, apparently.

29 Cf. Livy, XXX.43.

30 Cf. Livy, XXX.45; Valerius Maximus, V.2.5.

31 Cf. Livy, XXXVIII.55.

32 Antiochus the Great.

33 In 190 B.C.

34 Cf. Polybius, XXI.15; Livy, XXXVII.36; Appian, Roman History, the Syrian Wars, VI.29.

35 Cf. Polybius, XXXIII.14; and Valerius Maximus, III.7.1.

36 There are many references to this incident. Cf. Moralia, 540F; Plutarch's Life of Cato Major, chap. xv (344D), Polybius, XXIII.14; Livy, XXXVIII.50‑51; Aulus Gellius, IV.18. See also the note on the similar action of Epameinondas, Moralia, 194B, supra.

37 T. Quintius Flamininus, conqueror of Philip V of Macedon at Cynoscephalae in 197 B.C.

38 That is, without passing through the regular "cursus honorum." Cf. Plutarch's Life of Flamininus, chap. ii (369C).

39 Cf. Plutarch's Life of Flamininus, chap. xvii (378D); Polybius, XVIII.7.

40 At Cynoscephalae in 197 B.C.: see Plutarch's Life of Flamininus, chap. viii (376F); Polybius, XVIII.20‑27; Livy, XXXIII.7‑10.

41 Cf.  Plutarch's Life of Flamininus, chap. x (374D); Livy, XXXIII.32.

42 Cf. Plutarch's Life of Flamininus, chap. xiii (376F); Livy, XXXIV.52; Valerius Maximus, V.2.6.

43 Cf. Plutarch's Life of Flamininus, chap. xvii (378D); Livy, XXXVI.32.

44 Cf. Plutarch's Life of Flamininus, chap. xvii (378E); Livy, XXXV.49.

45 Cf. Plutarch's Life of Philopoemen, chap. ii (357A).

46 Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, consul 192 B.C.

47 Cf. Appian, Roman History, the Syrian Wars, VI.30‑36; Livy, XXXVIII.39.

48 P. Licinius Crassus, praetor 176, consul 171 B.C.

49 Cf. Polybius, XXVII.8; Livy, XLII.62.

50 L. Aemilius Paulus (Macedonicus), a famous Roman general, conqueror of Perseus at Pydna in 168 B.C.; consul 182 and 168 B.C.

51 Cf. Plutarch's Life of Aemilius Paulus, chap. vi (258B), chap. x (259C), chap. xi (260C).

52 Cf. Plutarch's Life of Aemilius Paulus, chap. x (260B), quoted from Cicero, De divinatione, I.46 (103); see too Valerius Maximus, I.5.3.

53 Cf. Plutarch's Life of Aemilius Paulus, chap. xiii (261F), and chap. xi (260C); Livy, XLIV.22 and 34.

54 Cf. Plutarch's Life of Aemilius Paulus, chap. xiii (262A); Livy, XLIV.33, says "without shield."

55 Cf. Plutarch's Life of Aemilius Paulus, chap. xvii (263F).

56 Ibid. chap. xxviii (270D); Moralia, 615E. Cf. Stobaeus, Florilegium, XVIII.22.

57 Cf. Plutarch's Life of Aemilius Paulus, chap. xxxiv (273C).

58 Cf. Plutarch's Life of Aemilius Paulus, chap. v (257C).

59 Ibid. chap. xxviii (270E); cf. also Pliny, Natural History, XXXIII.50 (142); and Valerius Maximus, IV.4.9.

60 To the houses of Scipio and of Fabius.

61 Cf. Plutarch's Life of Aemilius Paulus, chaps. xxxv and xxxvi (274A and F); Seneca, Ad Marciam de consolatione, 13; Valerius Maximus, V.10.2; Velleius Paterculus, I.10. Cicero refers briefly to Aemilius's fortitude (De amicit. 2 (9); Tusc. Disput. III.28 (70); Letters, IV.6).

62 M. Porcius Cato, the elder, commonly called the Censor, 234‑149 B.C.

63 Cf. Moralia, 131D and 996D, and Plutarch's Life of M. Cato, chap. viii (340A).

64 Ibid. and Moralia, 668B.

65 See the note on Moralia, 185D (10), supra.

66 Cf.  Plutarch's Life of M. Cato, chap. viii (340F).

67 Cf. the somewhat similar sentiment attributed to Pythagoras in Stobaeus, Florilegium, XLVIII.112.

68 Cf. Moralia, 29E and 528F, and the Life of M. Cato, chap. ix (341C).

69 Life of M. Cato, ibid.

70 Cf. Moralia, 210F (33), infra.

71 Cf. Moralia, 820B, and the Life of M. Cato, chap. xix (347C).

72 Cf. Moralia, 784A and 829F; and Plutarch's Life of M. Cato, chap. ix (341D).

73 Cf. Horace, Epistles, I.2.62; Seneca, De ira, I.1.2.

74 Cf.  Plutarch's Life of M. Cato, chap. viii (340D).

75 Ibid.

76 Cf.  Plutarch's Life of M. Cato, chap. xvi (345D).

77 Ibid. chap. i (336E); cf. also Plutarch's Life of Coriolanus, chap. viii (216F); Life of M. Cato, chap. x (241F).

78 In 195 B.C. in Spain.

79 Cf.  Plutarch's Life of M. Cato, chap. x (341F).

80 Ibid. chap. x (342A).

81 Ibid.

82 Cf.  Plutarch's Life of M. Cato, chap. x (342B).

83 Ibid. chap. ix (341APolybius, XXXV.6).

84 Ibid. chap. xii (343B); Polybius, XXXIX.12 (= XL.6).

85 Publius Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus Africanus (Minor), 185‑129 B.C.; conqueror of Carthage in 147‑146 B.C.; friend of Polybius the historian. His life (now lost) was written by Plutarch (No. 28 in the catalogue of Lamprias; see also the Life of Tib. Gracchus, chap. xxi 834D, and Life of C. Gracchus, chap. x 839C); and without doubt many of the sayings found here were incorporated in it.

86 Cf. Aelian, Varia Historia, XI.9; Polybius, XVIII.35; Pliny, Natural History, XXXIII.50 (141).

87 Cf. Moralia, 659E. Aelian, Varia Historia, XIV.38, speaks of the advice as given by Epameinondas to Pelopidas, possibly confusing the two Scipios, and the two Lives (of Epameinondas and the elder Scipio)!

88 Cf. Moralia, 805A; Plutarch's Life of M. Cato, chap. xxvii (352F); Livy, Epitome of Book XLIX. It may be inferred from Suidas, s.v. ἀίσσουσιν, that the original source was Polybius. The Homeric quotation is from the Odyssey, X.495.

89 The consul­ship in 147 B.C. Cf. Velleius Paterculus, I.12.3.

90 Cf. Zonaras, IX.29.

91 An account of the capture of Carthage is given by Diodorus, XXXII.23‑25, and Appian, Roman History, the Punic Wars, XIX.127‑132. Cf. also Valerius Maximus, III.7.2.

92 Cf. Diodorus, XXXII.25; Cicero, Against Verres, II.35 (86) and IV.33 (73); Livy, Epitome of Book LI; Valerius Maximus, V.1.6.

93 Cf. Moralia, 97C, and note e on p187.

94 Quintus Pompey, consul 141 B.C.

95 Cf. Cicero, De amicitia, 21 (77).

96 In 142 B.C.

97 Cf. Plutarch's Life of Aemilius Paulus, chap. xxxviii (275C).

98 Cf. Cicero, Oration for Cluentius, 48 (134); Valerius Maximus, IV.1.10.

99 Poseidonius (instead of Cleitomachus) is found in Moralia, 777A, and is also suggested by Athenaeus, 549D.

100 Homer, Od. XVII.487. Scipio's journeyings, beginning in 141 B.C., took him over most of the countries around the eastern end of the Mediterranean Sea.

101 Ptolemy VII, called 'Physcon' by the Alexandrians because of his fat and unwieldy body.

For a much more graphic view of the man, see E R. Bevan, The House of Ptolemy, pp307‑308.

102 Cf. Moralia, 777A; Diodorus, XXXIII.28a; Athenaeus, 549D; Cicero, Academics, II.2 (5); Justin, Historiae Philippicae, XXXVIII.8.8.

103 Cf. Athenaeus, 273A (= Polybius, Frag. 166, ed. Hultsch); Valerius Maximus, IV.3.13.

104 In 134 B.C.

105 Cf. Appian, Roman History, the Wars in Spain, XIV.84.

106 Appian, Roman History, the Wars in Spain, XIV.85; Polyaenus, Strategemata, VIII.16.2; Livy, Epitome of Book LVII; Valerius Maximus, II.7.1.

107 A famous Corinthian potter.

108 Presumably the period of his disgrace and punishment.

109 Cf. Frontinus, Strategemata, IV.1.1.

110 So in Aelian, Varia Historia, XI.9. Slightly variant versions are to be found in Polyaenus, Strategemata, VIII.16.4; Frontinus, Strategemata, IV.1.5; Livy, Epitome of Book LVII.

111 Cf. Polyaenus, Strategemata, VIII.16.3; Livy, Epitome of Book LVII.

112 Cf. Aulus Gellius, XIII.3.6, where Scipio quotes a similar aphorism of his father's.

113 Appian relates that Numantia was reduced by systematic siege (Wars in Spain, 89 ff.).

114 Cf. Polyaenus, Strategemata, VIII.16.5; Velleius Paterculus, II.4; Valerius Maximus, VI.2.3.

Thayer's Note:

a Caltrops, for which see the illustrated article Tribulus in Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, and the citations there.

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